Roman
Archeology


The Antiquities of Pola and Aquileia (1)

By Bunnel Lewis, M.A., F.S.A.

[From Bunnell Lewis, M.A., F.S.A. "The Antiquities of Pola and Aquileia" (PDF). The Archaeological Journal, Volume XLIV (London, 1892) - see full citation below. See the PDF version for Greek text which has not been converted, shown in red font.)

Among the cities which I have visited in search of Roman remains (and they are not few) Pola presents more analogies with Nîmes than any other. Both have ancient buildings well preserved belonging to the Imperial age; but those of the former city are earlier and more historical Nîmes, however, has the advantage of being better known, because it is much more accessible, especially to English travellers, requiring only a short détour from the grande route to Italy through Marseilles. (2)

The most important monuments at Pola are the Temple [235] of Rome and Augustus, the Arch of the Sergii and the Amphitheatre, and on each of them I propose to make some remarks, though they have often been described before, both by our own countrymen and by foreign savants.

The Temple of Rome and Augustus has strong claims on our attention. As far as I recollect it is the best example that remains of that new idolatry, which to a great extent superseded the old polytheism. (3) Previously to the Christian era the latter had been losing its hold on the public mind; a great historian has observed that all its forms, were considered by the philosopher as equally false, and by the magistrate as equally useful. (4) "The elegant mythology of the Greeks," like a star before the rising sun, was fading away amidst general scepticism, and came to be disbelieved even by children. (5) Now for the first time a Roman was worshipped, while still living, and poets flattered him as the vice-regent of Olympian Jove. (6)

[236] Theologians have informed us that the facilities of communication throughout the Empire by roads, extending from the Euxine to the British Channel, the civil and military organization affording security to life and property, and the outward political life manifested by material works of stupendous size, were favourable to the propagation of the Gospel. (7) But they have not been so quick to discern that the grand idea underlying this wonderful system was unity; that everything was placed under the control of a monarch; that all the chief personages in the State were grouped, as Tacitus represents them, round the Emperor, the principal figure (Princeps) who was also deified; and that in this way men's minds were prepared to receive a religion which proclaimed "one Lord, one faith, one baptism," which was monotheistic and designed to be universal. (8)

If we investigate the worship of Augustus, the proofs of it meet us everywhere. We find them in the writings of historians, legends of coins, and inscriptions upon bronze, marble, stone and bricks. Tacitus, Annals, book I, chap. 54, relates the institution by Tiberius, in A.D. 14, of an order of priests devoted to this cult, and compares them with the college of the Sodales Titii, founded by T. Tatius to preserve the Sabine rites. He says that twenty-one members were chosen from the leading men at Rome, and that Tiberius, Drusus, Claudius and Germanicus were added to this number. (9) To find an illustration of his words we need not go beyond Pola itself. The following inscription on the pedestal which formerly supported a statue was discovered near the Comizio: —  [237]

TI • CLAVDIO
DRVSI • GERMAN • F
NERONI • GERMANICO
AVGVRI • SODALI • AVG
SODALI • TITIO • COS

Tiberio Claudio, Drusi Germanici filio, Neroni Germanico, Auguri, Sodali Augustali, Sodali Titio, Consuli.

In honour of Tiberius Claudius Nero Germanicus, son of Drusus Germanicus, Augur, member of the orders of priests Augustales and Titii, Consul.

Antonia Minor, daughter of Mark Antony the triumvir, and mother of Claudius, is said to have retired to Pola after the death of her husband Drusus, A.D. 9, and to have lived there on an estate inherited from her father.(10) Claudius was born b.c. 10, and was consul in A.D. 37, the first year of the reign of his nephew Caligula; at that time he had held no other dignities than those of the augurate and two priesthoods, hence the inscription agrees well with the statement of Suetonius, who says that on account of weakness, both bodily and mental, Claudius was considered unfit for the performance of any duty, public or private. (11) The date of his birth is connected with the worship of Augustus, for it took place on the day when the famous altar at Lyons was dedicated to that Emperor. (12)

[238] Josepkus corroborates the passage of Tacitus quoted above: We learn from him that Herod the Great built at Caesarea a Temple to Augustus and Rome in which were two colossal statues, one rivalling the chryselephantine figure of Olympian Jupiter by Phidias, the other like the Argive Juno of Polycleitus. A Temple of Augustus (Greek text) at Alexandria is mentioned by Philo Judaeus, and a festival held in his honour there (Greek text) is commemorated by a Greek inscription — Gruter's Collection, p. cccxvi, No. 2. (13)

Turning Westwards we find monumental evidence of this worship in the frieze of the arch that formerly stood on the bridge at Saintes. It bore an inscription which is now only fragmentary, but the lacunae have been supplied with sufficient probability: — Caius Julius, Caii Juli Ottuaneuni filius, Rufus... sacerdos Romae et Augusti ad aram quae est ad confluentem, Praefectus fabrûm dedicavit, i.e. at the junction of the Rhone and Saône. Livy, Epitome of the lost book, No. 137, records the consecration of this altar, and the appointment of Vercondaribiduus as priest to minister at it. The form of the name varies in the MSS. (see the editions of Drakenborch and Weissenborn), but it is evidently Celtic: compare Verbigenus, Vercassivellaunus, Verucloetius and Viromandui, a tribe between the rivers Samara (Somme) and Isara (Oise) — Glück on Celtic names in Caesar, pp. 167-187 (14)

[239] The universality of this cult is proved by the frequent occurrence of the title Augustales, well known to every classical epigraphist. We have an example on a tile found near Newgate Street in 1886, where Austalis is a contraction of this word. I have given the text of the inscription with some explanations in the Appendix to my Paper on Saintes, Archaeol. Journ.., 1888, vol. xliv, p. 240 sq.; a more recent account by Mr. Haverfield appeared in the same serial, vol. xlvii, p. 236 sq. Some coins, not very rare, bear the legend ROM ET AVG; the device is an altar surmounted by two winged Victories. For several reasons they are plausibly conjectured to have been struck at Lyons. Augustus was represented with radiated crown and sceptre, attributes of divinity, effigie numinum, as Tacitus says, (15) comp. Catalogue of the Marlborough Gems by Mr. Story-Maskelyne, No. 390, probably of the early Empire. So a large brass of Tarragona has Augustus seated, holding Victory, legend DEO AVGVSTO; and on the reverse a magnificent Temple, octostyle, legend AETERNITATIS AVGVSTAE; in another of the same city we see an altar with a palm tree growing out of it. Both coins are inscribed C.V.T.T., i.e., Colonia Victrix Togata Tarraco; but some explain the former T as meaning triumphalis. (16)

On a former occasion I made some remarks on Rome personified and worshipped, so that only a few words need be added now to what has been already said. (17) Perhaps [240] the earliest example occurs on the reverse of a didrachm of Locri, a town of the Bruttii near the Via Trajana. It is also valuable historically, because it indicates the fidelity (which, however, was not uniform) of this city to the Romans during the war with Pyrrhus, B.c. 281-275. Rome (PΩMA) appears as a seated female, with shield and spear, but without helmet; she is crowned by Fides (ΠIΣTIΣ) standing before her; under the group is the word ΔOKPΩN. (18)

We may observe two types in which Rome was represented — an Amazon and Athene (Minerva). In the former she wore scanty clothing — a tunic and hunting boots (cothurni), and the right breast was exposed (exserta mamma); in the latter, besides the helmet and spear she had sometimes even the Ægis and Medusa's head. I therefore made an erroneous statement in my Paper on Saintes, when I asserted that Rome might be distinguished from Minerva by not having the Ægis. (19) For examples in the Louvre, Capitol and Museo Borbonico (now Nazionale) at Naples see Clarac, Musée de Sculpture, Antique et Moderne, Tome iv, pp. 350-352, Planches 332, 770E, 768, 767, 770A. On coins we do not find the head or bust of Roma, but the whole figure seated or standing; and under the Empire, till Hadrian as an Amazon, later as Athene. [20] [241]

I. The Temple of Rome and Augustus at Pola has been studied and visited by many generations of scholars and travellers; by Spon, the famous epigraphist; by our own countrymen, Pococke, Wheeler and Stuart, the last well known for his great work on the Antiquities of Athens; more recently by Gregorutti, Kandler and Mommsen. (21) The inscription originally consisted of bronze letters, affixed by nails to the stones of the architrave (epistylium), as was the case in the arch of Septimius Severus at Rome.

ROMAE • ET • AVGVSTO • CAESARI • DIVI • F • PATRI • PATRIAE.

In honour of Rome and Augustus Caesar, son of the deified (Julius), father of his country.

I have repeated the text of Mommsen in the fifth volume of the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, containing those of Cisalpine Gaul. He says that he copied the letters as they can be read from the upper part of a house opposite. The sloping characters represent those which cannot easily be deciphered at present. (22)

[242] Gruter, page cv, No. 8, gives the Inscription thus,

ROMAE . ET . AVO
CAES. D
IVI . ET
PAT .
PAT

Ex Petro Martyre historico.

This reading is evidently incorrect. (23)

Compare ibid., No. 7, at Terracina, and No. 9, formerly at Athens, where the words ӨEAI PΩMHI KAI║ΣEBAΣTΩ KAIΣAPI occur. (24)

The guesses of some travellers resulted in strange corruptions; according to Wheler the last words were IIVIRI • TRIBVNIC • POTEST; according to Spon PATR • PATR • TRIB • POT. As Mommsen has remarked, IRI in IIIVIRI came from PATRI (which might easily happen if the horizontal stroke of T was too short), and TRI in TRIBVNIC from PATRIAE.

This Temple is of the Corinthian order, tetrastyle prostyle; or, to express the same meaning without technical terms, it has a portico with four columns in front, and there is also one on each side. (25) For the general arrangement we may compare the so-called Temple of Fortuna Virilis at Rome, in the Forum Boarium (cattle-market), near the Pons Æmilius (Ponte Rotto); but the latter was of the Ionic order, comparatively seldom adopted by the Romans, and [243] it had engaged columns on the sides, which we do not find at Pola.(26)

Doubtless in ancient times the Temple adjoining the Forum occupied a commanding position, and was visible, as the arch of the Sergii is now, from a distance. But at present it stands at the corner of the market-place, partly concealed by houses (versteckt), so that the visitor cannot obtain a view till he is close to it. We may observe that the single columns in antis are fluted, the rest plain — whioh was not so common because it produced less variety of light and shade. The dimensions of the building are 14 metres high and 8 broad; the fore-court (xpóvαoς) is 7 mètres deep, and the cella 6.6 mètres long. (27)

[244] Parallel to this structure is another usually called the Temple of Diana, of which only the rear has been preserved; some suppose it to be the Curia or Senate-house. See Hartleben's Illustrirter Führer durch Triest und Umgebungen; nebst Ausflügen nach Aquileia, Görz, Pola, etc.

II. Proceeding from the market-place in a southerly direction, at the end of a long street we come to the Porta Aurea or Arch of the Sergii, a monument which deserves to rank with those of Augustus at Rimini, Susa and Aosta (28); it is, therefore, included by Montfaucon in his account of this branch of Roman architecture. (29) The gens [245] Sergia traced its descent from Sergestus, a companion of Æneas in his wanderings after the taking of Troy: comp. Virgil, Æneid, V. 121.

Sergestusque, domus tenet a quo Sergia nomen.

This need cause no surprise if we bear in mind that the Imperial family claimed as their mythical ancestor Julus, the son of Ascanius, or, according to some, identical with him. Hence Roman nobles who boasted of their pedigree are called by the writers of the Silver Age Trossuli and Trojugenae, i.e., Troy-born. (30) To the Sergian family belonged one of the most famous, or rather infamous, personages in Roman History — the conspirator Catiline whom Cicero has raised to a "bad eminence," from which he will never descend. (31) His great-grandfather M. Sergius Silus is remarkable for a very different reason. Pliny, after mentioning the warlike achievements of Dentatus and Manlius Capitolinus, and the honours bestowed upon them, says that no one ever surpassed Sergius for his valour. As far as we know, he was the bravest man that the great military nation of antiquity produced. In his second campaign he lost his right hand, in two campaigns was wounded twenty-three times, fought four battles with one hand, had an iron right hand made, and thus equipped he raised the siege of Cremona, defended Placentia (Piacenza), and captured ten forts in Gaul. I have a denarius, the reverse of which shows the hero on horseback galloping, [246] holding in his left hand his sword, and the head, with long hair, of a conquered enemy. (32)

The monument is 8.5 mètres high, and 7 mètres broad. On its front and back the arch is flanked by a pair of Corinthian columns on each side. The façade looking towards the town bears inscriptions, and is decorated with sculptures. Three projections from the entablature formerly supported busts or statues; these have disappeared, but the names of the persons thus honoured still remain legible.

In the following copy the Sergii and the Dedicator occupy the same positions, relatively to each other, as they have in the original. The latter is lower down than the others, but also above the capitals, and has even greater prominence as she occurs twice.

L . SEROIVS • C • F
AED •
lI • VIR
L • SERQIVS • L • F
LEPIDVS • AED
TR • MIL • LEO XXÌX
SALVIA • POS
TVMA • SERGI
SALVIA • POSTVMA • SERGI • DE • SVA • PECVNIA
CN • SERGIVS • C F
AED
II VIR • QVINQ

Some of the epigraphic details deserve attention. The word Ædile occurs thrice, and in each case it is associated with another title. We find the same offices as those mentioned above in juxta-position elsewhere: — Corpus [247] Inscriptionum Latinarum, Gallia Cisalpina, No. 47,

AED • IIVIRI • IIVIR • QVINQ • TRIB • MIL,

and No. 53,

AEDILIS • PoL • iI • VIR • IVRE • DIc • qQ;

It will be observed that some letters are wanting on the stone, and supplied conjecturally. The importance of the provincial aedile varied with the place in which he exercised his functions; sometimes he was a person as insignificant as the maire of a commune in a rural district in France. Juvenal tells us that in the country, as opposed to the capital, at dramatic representations even this magistrate did not wear the toga; he was distinguished from others only by his white tunic. (33) He goes further, and, perhaps with the coarse exaggeration of a satirist, describes the same official at Ulubrae with the epithet pannosus. (34)  Such an epithet could not be applied at Pola, as is plain from the context of the Inscription, and because we know it to have been a city of great importance under the Romans as a station for their navy. Doubtless their fleets often made the passage between it and Ravenna or Ancona, on the West side of the Adriatic, when they were conveying troops employed in their wars with the Germans on the banks of the Danube. Brindisi (Brundusium) has recovered in our own time its commercial rank, being on the grande route for Alexandria and India; so Pola, after a long period of depression, has revived since it became the Kriegshafen, naval port, for the Austrian Empire.

In the colonies and borough towns (municipia) the aediles discharged nearly the same duties as at Rome, which, according to Daremberg and Saglio's classification, were threefold. (35) They had the care urbis, annonae, ludorum; they superintended, 1, the police, roads, public and private buildings; 2, the supply of provisions, weights and measures; 3, games and dramatic performances. Some of their functions are mentioned by Juvenal, loc. citat., Sat x.

An Fidenarum Gabiorumque esse potestas,
Et de mensur
â
jus dicere, vasa minora
Frangere, pannosus vacuis aedilis Ulubris?

[248] At Gabii, or Fidenae, rules propound,
For faulty measures, and for wares unsound;
And take the tarnish'd robe and petty state
Of poor Ulubrae's ragged magistrate?

Gifford's Translation.

See his note which illustrates the word potestas. "We have nothing precisely like them (the Ædiles) in this country; but in the Italian villages they still subsist, as ragged and consequential as ever, under the name of Podestas."

Compare Persius, Sat. i, 129sq.,

Sese aliquem credens, Italo quod honore supinus
Fregerit heminas Areti aedilis iniquas. (36)

The Table of Heraclea (Pisticci), as it is usually called, was found in the bed of the River Sallandrella, near the Gulf of Tarentum, A.D. 1732. It consists of three bronze tablets now deposited in the Museo Nazionale at Naples; each of them has a Greek inscription in front, and two exhibit on the reverse the Lex Julia Municipalis. (37) The latter will repay careful study, because they are among the most important documents for the subject of the aedileship, containing many curious details that show how completely the Roman system of administration was organised. E.g., it was provided that if a road passed between a private house on one side, and a Temple, public building or property on the other, the aedile was to contract for keeping half the roadway in repair. It was his business to see that cleanliness was maintained in the thoroughfares, and that water was not allowed to collect so as to interfere [249] with the traffic. Moreover, the passage of carts was regulated, and prohibited at fixed hours, with certain specified exceptions. (38)

We may also notice the repetition of the title Duumvir, which I have had occasion to remark in describing the Roman Antiquities of Augsburg, as designating officers who held the foremost place among the local magistrates. (39) The Duumviri Quinquennales corresponded in provincial towns with the censors at Rome; they were elected every fifth year, revised the lists of senators and citizens, and arranged the finances of the community. (40) Again, the rank of military tribunes was [250] high in the army, for these officers appear to have commanded the legion in turn. So Horace, when he speaks of himself as being of servile origin, and as having excited envy at the distinctions he had attained, says —

at olim
Quod mihi pareret legio Romana tribune.
That once a Roman lejriou owned my power.

Satires I., vi. 48.

Here he refers to the campaign of Philippi, B.C. 42, in which he served under Brutus against Octavian and Antony. Compare a similar passage in Epode iv, "a violent attack upon some freedman," ending with the words —

Hoc, hoc tribuno jnilitum. (41)

We ought not to pass over LEG XXIX, i.e., legio vicensuma nona, because it does not occur in inscriptions elsewhere; this is accounted for by the fact that it was disbanded after the battle of Actium, B.C. 31. (42) Accordingly, this number is not found among the legions in the Index to Orelli's edition of Tacitus, or in the more copious list under the heading Exercitus, Diet, of Antt., 3rd edition, which seems to have been compiled after consulting the best and most recent authorities. It was no longer necessary to maintain so large a military force, for that decisive engagement put an end to the civil wars; and universal peace, by sea and land, was established throughout [251] the Empire. The words LEG XXIX fix the date of the Arch approximately, as belonging to this happy period; and the beautiful style of architecture, as Mommsen remarks, harmonizes with this attribution. (43) From all that has been said we infer that the Sergii were persons in a good social position; and the lady who erected the monument must have been wealthy, as she informs us that she paid for it out of her own pocket (de sua pecunia).

The sculptural ornaments are as follow: — A festoon over each capital of the columns, a triumphal car drawn by two horses (biga) on each side of the lowest Inscription, and a winged Victory holding a wreath in either spandrel, as in the Arch of Titus and many others. (44) Montfaucon, [252] Antiquité Expliquée, tome iii, Part I, p. Ì77, describing PI. XCVIII, copied from Spon, says, La porte de Pola... a été une espèce d'arc de triomphe érigé en l'honneur de Sergius. The word espèce should be noticed; it is doubtless used by the great antiquary, because the Arch was not a triumphal one, strictly speaking. Under the republic triumphs were granted to successful generals, who in most cases held some magistracy; but after its subversion, they were reserved to members of the Imperial family; so Tacitus, Annals ii, 41, relates that of Germanicus over the Cherusci, Catti, Angrivarii and nations who inhabited territories extending as far as the Elbe. But others received triumphalia ornamenta or insignia — statues, titles, laurel crowns, and robes worn by conquerors. Such honours Domitian conferred on Agricola after his subjugation of Britain; see his biography by the same author, chap. 40. (45)

The Arch at Pola reminds me of that at Zara (Jadera), at present the capital of Dalmatia, figured by Montfaucon, op. citat., in the Plate above mentioned; the latter is less ornate, having neither projecting pedestals nor figures in the frieze and spandrels; and only a single Corinthian pilaster on each side of the vault supports the entablature. Some suppose it to have been brought from Ænona, a town on the coast, nine or ten miles north of Zara, marked in the sketch map of parts of Roman Dalmatia that accompanies Mr. Arthur Evans' Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum, Archæologia, Vol. xlviii, p. 2, 1884. (46) This [253] monument, like the one we have been considering, was erected by a lady, and bore the following inscription: —

MELIA • ANNIANA • IN • MEXOR • Q • LAEPICI • Q • F • SERG • BASSI * MARITI • SVI EMPORIVM • STERNI • ET • ARCVM • FIERI • ET • STATVAS • SVPERPONI • TEST • IVSS • EX • HS • "DC • D • XX • P • R.

The gens Melia (more correctly spelt Maelia) is known from Inscriptions and MSS., but is not found on coins; at least the works of Cohen and Babelon give no example of it. The plebeian gens Annia was an ancient one, and several persons belonging to it are mentioned by Livy and Sallust. According to De Vit, Onomasticon, s.v., there is no other instance of Laepicia, which makes the reading suspicious. Serg should be expanded Sergia (tribu), the name of the tribe being often thus inserted; v. Gerrard, Siglarium Romanum, reprinted in the Appendix to Bailey's edition of Forcellini's Lexicon. Anniana ordered a market place to be paved, an arch to be built, and statues placed upon it. (47) Her last direction confirms the supposition that there were statues on the pedestals at Pola, described above. D • XX • P • R has been explained to mean deducta vicesima populi Romani, a deduction of five per cent having been made, as due to the Roman people. A tax of one-twentieth of the value was levied on inheritances or legacies, and on manumissions; and the collectors were called incesimarii — a word which occurs in Petronius with reference to a slave, in Fragmentis Tragurensibus, cap. 65. Inscriptions suppply us with another name for these officers of the revenue, PROCVRATOR XX. HEREDITAT.: Raphael Fabretti, p. 37, No. 179, cf. pp. 35, 36. The younger Pliny discusses this tax and exemptions from it, enacted by Nerva and Trajan, in his Panegyric on the latter [254] Emperor, chaps, 37-40 — a locus classicus for the subject. (48) Henzen, in the third volume supplementary to Oreli's Inscriptions, rejects the preceding explanation of D • XX • P • R, adopted by De Vit and Wilmanns, and professes himself unable to discover what these abbreviations mean. (49)

When I think of the Arch of the Sergii, as I saw it on an autumnal evening — its mellow tints lighted up by the setting sun — I can hardly avoid indulging the vain wish that Wren's architecture, which we Londoners know so well and admire so much, could, if only for one brief hour, be encircled with a halo of like radiance and beauty.

III. A superficial observer might be disposed to say that there is little difference between one Roman amphitheatre and another, so that when he had seen one he understood them all. But consideration will soon show us how far such a notion is at variance with the facts, and the example of Pola present several peculiarities by which it is distinguished from other monuments belonging to the same category. First impressions are usually the most permanent, therefore it is important that they should be favourable. For this reason the traveller ought to approach Pola by sea, not by railroad. The amphitheatre has the advantage in situation over most others, being on the side of a hill, like a Greek theatre, and near the water, so that there is ample room to obtain a good view of it, including the whole structure. (50) On the other hand, the Coliseum stands in the valley below the Esquiline, Caelian and Palatine hills — the site formerly occupied by the lake attached to Nero's palace. (51)

Martial, De Spectaculis Libellus, Epigr. ii, 5, —

Hic, ubi couspicui venerabilis Amphitheatri
Erigitur moles, stagna Neronis erant.

[255] Similarly les Arènes at Nîmes were huilt on level ground. (52)

Of all the amphitheatres I have seen that at Pola is the most striking. The effect is due to the whiteness of the stone resembling marble, the commanding position, and the almost perfect preservation of the external circumference. (53) Generally this part has suffered the greatest injury, being accessible to attack if the edifice was converted into a fortress, and easily dismembered if it was used as a quarry. Here again Pola far surpasses its analogue in France, for the outer walls of the latter have been so much restored that the spectator can scarcely decide whether he is looking at an ancient or modern building. Another feature still remains to be noticed, viz., four angular towers at regular intervals projecting outside the circumference. Their purpose is very doubtful and therefore has been often disputed. Some think they served as buttresses to support the structure, others that they contained staircases by which women could ascend to the upper rows of seats; the late Sir Richard Burton suggested that they might have been hoplothecae, armouries for the gladiators. I have not observed such a construction elsewhere. (54)

[256] It seems most natural to compare this amphitheatre with that at Verona, because there is a general resemblance, they are not far distant from each other, and English travellers would usually see them both within a few days in the same journey, and so the recollection would not have time to be effaced. The latter is larger having the dimensions of the greater and lesser axes of the ellipse 511 x 404-1/2 feet against 436 x 346 at Pola. In preservation the two buildings are directly opposed; at Verona many of the seats are still perfect, but only a small portion of the outer wall is standing, viz. four arches out of seventy-two; at Pola, the interior is all desolation, only the signs of arrangements for naumachiae are visible, but the exterior might be taken for a newly-erected work. (55)

Besides the Temple of Rome and Augustus, the Arch of Sergii and the amphitheatre, there is another monument which, though less important, should not be altogether omitted. As at Aquileia we have the Via Gemina, of double width, extending from the Forum Pecuarium (cattle market) to the Via Postumia — the great road through the North of Italy, that began at Genoa and ended at Adelsberg; so among the gates of Pola we find a Porta Gemina, with two entrances, in the wall on the east side of the town; it stood on the road leading from the Capitol, where the Venetians built their citadel, to the interior (Via ad Albonam). The Romans were a practical people and provided one archway for ingress and another for egress; in former papers I have called attention to the same arrangement, still to be seen at Autun and Langres. (56)

An inscription placed over this gate is long and interesting. It informs us that L. Menacius Priscus, general of engineers, aedile, duumvir, censor, military tribune, priest of the Augusti, patron of the colony, at his own expense, brought the Augustan aqueduct into the upper and lower part of the city, and left an endowment for keeping it [257] in repair. The date is inferred approximately from the expression FLAMEN AVGVSTOR, as Marcus Aurelius Antoninus and Lucius Verus were the first examples of two emperors reigning together, and another stone was found at Pola bearing the letters IMP • CAES • L • AVRELIO • VERO. (57)

[continued, 372] A greater contrast is hardly to be found anywhere than in passing from Pola to Aquileia. In the former place we are surrounded by the beauties of Nature; the amphitheatre stands on a height, the immediate neighbourhood is hilly, and the eye wanders with delight over land and sea, surveying the calm waters of a bay studded with islands, vast tracts planted with olives, and lofty mountains forming the background of the scene. (58) But approaching the latter, we cross an extensive plain as flat as Holland, intersected by canals, and the traveller can hardly help exclaiming, as I heard some do in the train, "Can this be beautiful Italy?" (59) When he enters the city, he sees nothing remaining from classical antiquity except the name — not a single structure reared by Roman hands survives the universal wreck. As the silence of the heavens is vocal with the Creator's praise, so the absence of monuments tells us more eloquently than the most graphic historian how "povera Aquileia" has fallen from her high estate, and how [373] completely Attila, il flagello di Dio, plundered and destroyed her. Nor was this barbarian alone in the work of devastation; others followed in his sanguinary track; Ostrogoths, Visigoths, Lombards and Sclaves seemed to vie with each other in spoliation and ferocity. Moreover, the physical conditions of the district were unfavourable to Aquileia, for the inhabitants found refuge in islands, where the sea and lagoons offered some protection against invaders, while on the mainland their situation was hopeless.(60)

The only building that bears witness to former times is the Cathedral, erected by Popone, Patriarch 1019 to 1042: its tower, 83 metres high, ending in a spire, reminds us of the grand Campanile at Venice, and the proportions are similar to what we usually see in this part of Italy. (61) Popone was a remarkable man, and may be said to have founded the greatness of his metropolitan see; he revived and fortified Aquileia, reformed the internal administration, and introduced the Roman law into the tribunals. Protected by three Emperors successively, he obtained from the Pope recognition of his precedence over the Patriarch of Grado, and liberated his own diocese from any obligation of submission to the Dukes of Carinthia, so that he became feudal lord of all the vassals in his wide possessions. But these advantages were not always gained by fair means; he besieged Grado with a fleet and army, and after an [374] obstinate resistance made himself master of it. Content with rescuing gold and silver vessels, a copy of the Gospels and some bodies of saints, he abandoned the town to a licentious soldiery who gratified their worst passions, levelled the altars, and disinterred the dead, (62) We may console ourselves, when we look back on these Dark Ages, with the reflection that humanity has made some progress, moral as well as material, and that no bishop of any church in the world could, at the present time, perpetrate crimes so atrocious.

The aggrandizement of the Archbishops of Aquileia continued under Popone's successors; they ruled over Friuli, Istria and Carniola, so that among Ecclesiastics their temporal power was inferior only to that of Rome. (63) As the German Emperors were frequently at variance with the Popes, they found it their interest to have a powerful ally in Venetia; accordingly they favoured the Patriarchs with additional privileges from time to time, and often succeeded in filling the office with a German.

It scarcely falls within the scope of this Memoir to describe the Cathedral of Aquileia (64); detailed information is given in Capo XI. pp. 163-167, of the "Guida Storica" (1849) by Vincenzio Zandonati, who was a chemist, [375] resident for many years at Aquileia, and formed a private collection of Antiquities. There is also a good account of the Dom in the Illustrirter Führer durch Triest und Umgebungen, Hartlehen's Series of Handbooks, second edition, 1886; Aquileia, pp. 37-47, Dom, p. 40 sq. Zandonati published in 1869 a useful summary of the city, entitled La Distruzione di Aquileia Compendio Cronistorico.(65)

On the return journey from Trieste to Venice, leaving the train at Ronchi, I made my way to Aquileia; between these places I called at the house of Signor Gregorutti, the most learned man in those parts, and had the pleasure to make his acquaintance. He inhabits the district called Fiumicello which is praised by ancient authors for its fertility, and, as the traveller cannot fail to observe, still maintains its reputation. (66) Sparing neither labour nor expense, he has procured many local antiquities, and arranged them in the grounds that surround his villa. As they include some remarkable objects, I am much indebted to the kindness and courtesy with which he explained them.

Some of these remains attracted my attention at the time, and I hope that a reference to these and others of the [376] same class, on the present occasion, may interest others also.

Six small altars (arette) dedicated to Isis, and one to Isis and Serapis; the former deity has the epithets AVG (Augusta) and REG (Regina). One in the Museo Cassis is uninscribed, but a sistrum (rattle) carved on the side suffices to identify it. (67) There was a Temple of the goddess on a site afterwards occupied by a small Church near Monastero, distant only a few minutes' drive from Aquileia. Considered in connection with similar monuments in Britain, these inscriptions tend to prove that the religion of Egypt was diffused, like the worship of Mithras, throughout the Roman Empire.

Inscriptions bearing letters L, VE, or VEL; Nos. 110, 201, 207, 378. These indicate the Veline tribe; and may remind us of Horace's line, Hic multum in Fabia valet, ille Velina: Epistles I, 6, 52. He is speaking of the slave (nomenclator) who accompanies his master when he is canvassing electors for their votes, and points out those who were influential in their respective tribes. (68)

[377] No. 815: Gregorutti, Le Antiche Lapidi di Aquileia.

ANNIA • MAXIMA
VIRGO • FIDELIS
QVE • VIXIT • ANN
XV • M • VIII • D • XXVI
AVR • MAXIMIANVS • ET
RESTTVTA • PARENTES • FILIE
CARISSIME • FECERVNT (69)

Annia Maxima, a faithful virgin, who lived fifteen years eight months and twenty-six days. Aurelius Maximianus and Restituta her parents have erected this monument to their dearest daughter.

The deceased was perhaps a Christian martyr. Observe QVE for QVAE, and FILIE for FILIAE. Incorrect forms of words (such as these) show that the Early Christians were not good grammarians, and corroborate St. Paul's statement, "not many wise men after the flesh... are called." (70) The classical scholar who has visited the Vatican [378] will remember similar mistakes which he has seen in the lapidary collections of that Museum. (71) We have here the months and days as well as years of the deceased, but sometimes even the hours are mentioned in epitaphs. This accurate notation probably had reference to the horoscope, and we know from many passages in the poets that the Romans were greatly addicted to astrology, e.g., Nota mathematicis genesis tua, Juvenal Satire XIV, 248. (72) No. 749.

EYTYXACEN
ӨAΔEKEIMAI
ETHZHCACK
Δ
HNΔEΠATPlC
MOYTAYXEIPA
NYN
ΔEAKY
AHIA.

I, Eutychas, lie here, having lived twenty-four years, Tauchira was my country, but Aquileia is now. (73)

[379] Eutychas is the Doric for Eutyches, and corresponds with the name Tauchira — a city founded by colonists of that branch of the Greek nation. We have a variant in the Acts of the Apostles XX, 7-12 — Eutychus (Greek text) , who, when Paul was preaching at Troas, fell down from the third loft, was taken up dead, and restored to life by the Apostle, This Greek compound has the same meaning as the Latin Fortunatus. Tauchira was a town on the coast of Cyrenaïca, West of Ptolemais; it is now called Taukrah, see the map of Africa Septentrionalis in the Biblical and Classical Atlas, edited by Smith and Grove. (74)

No. 118 D                      M

LCANTIOACVTo
LCANTIVSCIRE
STVSPLIBERTO
BENEMERENTI
TITVLVMPOS-

To the Divine Manes, Lucius Cantius Chrestus the patron has erected this monument to Lucius Cantius Acutus his freedman, well deserving.

The inscription is surmounted by a pediment containing a cask in the centre; outside it, at the opposite corners, an axe encloses the letter D, and a scythe the letter M. There is a file on the left of the characters, a cross immediately below them, and underneath the latter a billhook. We have here evidently emblems of an occupation; the deceased was a carpenter, or rather a cooper, which is specially indicated by the cask. The same receptacle in the relief at Augsburg has a different meaning; there it is used as the sign of a wine-shop. (75) Some [380] suppose the cross to be a Christian symbol, but this is not certain; such an opinion is supported by the fact that the Cantian family produced many martyrs distinguished in the annals of the Aquileian Church. Their name also occurs on a sepulchral urn preserved in the Museo dello Stato at this city: see the Catalogue p# 11. No. 42. (76) Chrestus may be another form of Christus; we have, according to some writers, an example of it in Tacitus, Annals xv., 44, (77) — the well-known passage where the historian mentions the name of our Saviour, and characterizes Christianity as a pernicious superstition, probably mistaking it for a Jewish sect. Titulus commonly means an inscription, but here it must be translated by the word monument or memorial. I discussed the latter signification in a Paper upon an epitaph found near Brougham Castle, which was read before the Society of Antiquaries. (78)

No. 760 is a great altar, restored to its original condition by carefully uniting the six fragments which composed it. On the right side the goddess Fors Fortuna is [ 381] represented, holding a rudder in her hand, and placing her left foot on a globe, upon which parallels of latitude and meridians of longitude are drawn. (79) Such a delineation is believed to be unique in antiquity. These attributes denote the power of fortune extending over land and sea — terra marique. (80) On the left side we see a patera, and a wreath suspended by a ribbon. The inscription begins with M.M., i.e., Marti Mercurio. Again a scriptural name presents itself, and one with which we are all familiar in connection with charitable societies — Dorcas, Acts ix., 36, 39 (in Hebrew Tabitha, v. Alford's note); but it is to be observed that DORCIIAS was engraved on the stone, though from the Greek Δopκcáς we should not expect to find the letter H there. (81) [382]

No. 705.

Sabinus departed this life, aged 50 years, formerly a protector, well-deserving.

I have quoted this inscription because it gives us the characters used in a debased period, which differ materially from those that beloug to the latter age of the Republic, or to the earlier Empire. The horizontal stroke of the T is so short that this letter may be mistaken for I; in E also the due proportions of the parts are not kept. In the last line "l'illustre Mommsen" has suggested the reading ex protector bene merens, which is a great improvement on previous conjectures. EX here is equivalent to the French cidevant — a meaning of the preposition which I have already noticed in my Paper on the Roman Antiquities of the Middle Rhine. (82)

If the classical tourist is not so fortunate as to have an introduction that will procure him admission to Signor Gregorutti's private collection, he should take care to visit the Museum of the Austrian Government at Aquileia. There he will at once perceive how the soil teems with antiquities, and that it is, to use the expressive German word, a veritable Fundort — a finding place. Suffice it to say that recent excavations in two years produced forty new inscriptions, without counting fragments, more than a hundred cinerary urns, a rich series of sculptures, a hundred glass vases of different shapes, and a great quantity of gems and other small objects, such as coins, bronzes, ivories, terra-cottas, etc.

Wall A of the first hall is occupied almost exclusively by sepulchral stones commemorating Roman officers and soldiers, and showing various arms, both offensive and [383] defensive. Those who wish to study the military costume of the Ancients, should compare these reliefs with the grand collection at Mayence, which has been so well described by its learned Curator, Dr. Lindenschmit in his illustrated work, Die Alterthumer unser heidnischen Vorzeit. (83)

The following seem to deserve attention: —

  • A Cupid holding a torch and riding on a dolphin, said to symbolize the transmigration of souls to the Islands of the Blest.
  • A woman with her arms tied behind her back, an emblem of a conquered province — (provincia capta). (84)
  • Torso of a nude male figure, incomplete, and therefore more interesting, as it shows the method in which the ancient sculptors worked.
  • Decree of the decurions of Aquileia in honour of Arruntius Julianus — n the fourth line the abbreviations QVFSIOAQVIL should be expanded thus — quod verba facta sunt in ordine Aquileiensium.
  • Inscription of the Emperor Maximin (A.D. 235-238) recording the reconstruction of the Via Gemina from the city-gate to the bridge over the Isonzo (Sontius).
  • Honorary inscription with the name of the Empress Salonina, wife of the Emperor Gallienus (A.D. 260-268), erased. (85) This practice was not unusual: we have an [384] example of it on an Egyptian column (guide to the Exhibition Galleries of the British Museum, 1890, p. 58, No. 16), and also in the case of Elagabalus, for which see Bruce, Roman Wall pp. 159, 161; and Lapidarium Septentrionale, p. 67, sq. (86)
  • Fragment of inscription mentioning repairs of the walls and towers of the city.
  • Inscription of Claudia Semne, wife of M. Ulpius Crotonensis, freedman of Trajan (a.d. 98-117) She died at Rome, and her magnificent tomb has been discovered there: Wilmanns, Exempla Inscrr, Lat. Vol. I, p. 71, No. 240. (87)
  • Christian inscription of Julia Gaudentia. One Gaudentius is said to have been a Christian, and architect of the Colosseum, but this traditon is dubious: Professor Middleton, Ancient Rome in 1885, p. 303, note 1. (88)
  • Finial of a sepulchral monument, in the form of a fir-cone, as we see it at Augsburg. (89)
  • Cinerary urns of square shape.
  • Reliefs supposed to represent the Phrygian deity Atys, as a symbol of death. (90)
  • [385] Sepulchral relief — marble slab on which pilasters are carved, with architrave and cornice. The deceased reclines, holding a cup in his left hand, and a horn (rhyton) in his right. The wife sits opposite to him; in front of the couch is a table, and different kinds of food upon it. A nude youthful figure faces the spectator; he stretches out his right arm, and has a large vessel (krater) at his side. Compare Böttiger's Sabina, Vol II. Tafel XII. fig. 1. copied from Tournefort, Voyage du Levant, Lettre X, Tome I, p. 167, edit. 4to. (91)

Aquileia was the only city in Italy, outside Rome, that had a mint of its own. I exhibit a double denarius struck there by Valentinian I, one of the greatest and most successful among the later Emperors. (92) Hitherto, as far as I am aware, the only published account of it is that contained in the Appendix to my paper on Roman Antiquities of the Middle Rhine, Archaeological Journal, Vol. XLVII. p. 399. The letters in the exergue SMAQ, i.e., signata moneta Aquileiae indicate the atelier monétaire. (93)

I have the pleasure also to produce five mediaeval coins. One of them, which is very rude, has on the obverse a head surmounted by four globules arranged as a cross, a crosier on the left side, and a star of five rays on [386] the right; below are three double lines with serrated edges to represent the neck and breast: the reverse shows three towers on an arch formed by two double lines, with a row of dots between them, and on the top of each tower four globules, placed in the same order as before. Three others are varieties of one type: obv. Patriarch seated with crosier in right hand and book in left, wearing a bifurcated mitre; rev. in two examples the upper part of a church — two towers terminating in a triangle and dot, between them a pediment — and a Maltese cross above it; in the third example, we see two large towers, three small ones, wall with courses of masonry distinctly marked, and an archway in the centre. It has been doubted whether the preceding, which are coins of the Twelfth Century, should be assigned to Patriarchs of Aquileia or to Archbishops of Salzburg and the mint of Friesach in Carinthia. (94) Lastly, I have a denarius about which there can be no mistake; it is one of Gregorio di Montelongo, 1251-69, obv. similar to those already mentioned, rev. a lily occupying the field, with the legend AQVILESIA. (95) This is the ethnic name, the adjective agreeing with civitas, a word which so often occurs on English money, e.g. civitas Londinensis. The flower, as a device, is said to have come originally from Florence.

I cannot address an Archaeological Society without thinking of the loss we have sustained in the departure of one well known to many members of the Institute, and nearly related to myself — of one who was ready to promote every good work, and realized before our eyes the noble sentiment of Terence

Homó sum; humani nihil a me alienúm puto. (96)

[387] But his studies and pursuits, as a collector, inclined him to regard with special favour, and assist with the greatest kindness, fellow-labourers in the same field; and, in particular, he often contributed valuable illustrations to the Papers I have had the honour to read here. I* therefore hope it will not be considered unbecoming that, in this our place of meeting, I should offer to his cherished memory a fraternal tribute of gratitude and affection.


APPENDIX.

It is quite unnecessary to describe here the Roman buildings at Nîmes — the Amphitheatre (les Arènes) Maison-Carrée and Temple of Diana: suffice it to refer to the copious list of authors contained in the Introduction to Joanne's Guide for Provence-Corse, Alpes Maritimes, 12mo., 1877 (Itinéraire Général de la France), p. xxxiii., Bibliographie du Département du Gard. On the other hand, as the numismatic memorials of the city are less known but remarkable, it may be well to invite attention to them. Bronze coins have been found in great abundance, having on the obverse, two heads, probably of Augustus and Agrippa, placed back to back, with the legend IMP. P.P. DIVI. F., and on the reverse a crocodile chained to a palm tree, apparently relating to the conquest of Egypt, with the legend COL NEM. To these medals a singular appendage is joined in the form of a hind's fore-leg and foot (pled de biche): See Caylus, Recueil d'Antiquités Egyptiennes, Etrusques, Grecques et Romanies, section on Nîmes, tome ii., pp. 339-366, Pls. xcviii.-cvii., 4to. His explanation seems to me very plausible; at p. 340 he expresses the opinion that we have here votive offerings (ex-voto), which were cast into the fountain of Diana. One thing at least is certain — these pieces could never have been in circulation. Caylus appositely cites a passage from Pausanias, Attica, lib. i., cap. xxxiv., §3 (edit. Schubart and Walz, vol. i., p. 172 sq.), who tells us that in the territory of Oropus there was a fountain of Amphiaraus, and that when persona were cured of a disease, in consequence of the response of his oracle, it was the practice to throw into the fountain gold and silver coins. (Greek text). In support of this view we may remark that there was a temple at Nîmes bearing the name of Diana, though others call it a Nymphaeum, a fane dedicated to the nymphs. Fergusson, History of Architecture, vol. i, p. 283 sq., describes the peculiarities of the design, with illustrations, fig. 180 plan, fig. 181 interior. From Laborde. The Index in vol. ii. may mislead, for there we read "Maison Carróe or Temple of Diana," as if the former were the modern name of the latter.

The hind's foot would be appropriate in an offering to the goddess of the chase; so we see the famous statue in the Louvre, la Diane à la [388] Biche (usually considered the most beautiful representation of this deity that has come down to us from antiquity), accompanied by the stag of Ceryneia: Clarac, Musée de Sculpture, Antique et Moderne, Planche 284, No. 1202, figure seen from three different points of view; Texte, Tome Quatrième, p. 34 sq. Crystal Palace, Roman Court, Catalogue by Mr. George Scharf, p. 42 sq. His account is chiefly derived from the French author.

Nemausus, as I have already said, was the capital of the Volcae Arecomici (Département du Gard), corresponding with Tolosa, the capital of the Volcae Tectosages (Dópartement de la Haute-Garonne); the former occupied the country between Narbonne and the Rhone, the latter were north of the Pyrenees and south of the Cadurci and Ruteni (Quercy and Rouergue). For their coins see Hucher, L'Art Gaulois ou les Gaulois d'après leurs Médailles, part i., p. 61; index, Volks-Tectosages, Leure monnaies au type de Rhoda, p. 22; Volks-Arécomiques, Leurs monnaies, pp. 22 and 32, comp. part ii., p. 118 sq.: and my Paper on Roman Antiquities in Touraine and the Central Pyrenees, Appendix, Archæol. Journ., vol. xlv., p. 351 sq., where many references are given. The later money of the Tectosages was quadrangular, and must have been nearly as inconvenient as the fish-hooks used for currency in the East: Prof. Ridgeway, Origin of Currency, &c. Primitive systems. Fish-hooks, pp. 27-30, Fig. 6. Hucher, op. citat., p. 22, On a exhumé des masses de ces monnaies bizarres chez les Rutènes, et jusque dans la Charente. Comp. Adolphe Duchalais, Description des médailles gauloises de la bibliothèque impériale, Volete Arecomici (in genere) et Nemausus, Nos. 250-292, pp. 71-83. Nemausus. Autonome», Auguste et Agrippa — Incettarne.

1 have called attention to Bernoulli's Römische Iconographie, because it is the most important book of the kind that has appeared since the sumptuous work of E. Q. Visconti — an Atlas of Plates, large folio, to accompany part i. Iconographie Grecque 1811, and part ii. Iconographie Romaine 1817. Visconti himself wrote vols. 1, 2, 3 of the text of Icon. Gr., and vol. i. of Icon. Rom.; the remaining three volumes of the second part are a continuation by Monger.

C for Σ has been already mentioned as occurring in an Inscription relating to the worship of Augustus at Alexandria. For this change see Isaac Taylor, The Alphabet, An Account of the Origin and Development of Letters, vol. ii., page 105, and note 1. "Out of the transitional form E arose the ordinary lunar form C, which appears on coins as early as the time of Pyrrhus, and is universal in early MSS." Aeschrion, said to have been a pupil of Aristotle, calls the new moon (Greek text), and similarly the orchestra is (Greek text). Comp. Martial, Epigrams, x., 48, 6, where he is speaking of a semi-circular couch,

Septem sigma capit: sex sumus; adde Lupum.

See the edition of Paley and Stone, note on No 545, p. 348. Ibid. xiv., 87, Stibadia.

Accipe lunatâ scriptum testudine sigma:
Octo capit: veniat, quisquis amicus erit.

Liddell and Scott's Greek Lexicon, initial article Σ. Key, on the Alphabet, p. 32, plate iii., Greek Alphabets continued, No. 36, Codex [389] Alexandrinus. The form C is employed by the transcriber of this manuscript, now in the British Museum; v. ibid., p. 35. Mr. G. Scharf, Description of the Greek Court in the Crystal Palace, p. 22, says, "During the Alexandrian period... the Σ was altered into C, the angular form of the E abandoned for the circular Є, and omega 12 changed to a reversed M thus pj. These innovations first appeared on the coins of Antony and Cleopatra." From what has been already said it follows that the latter statement is incorrect, as far as regards the use of C. Cf. ibid., p. 46, Sepulchral bas-relief in fac-simile, of very late times, where the words TIC, CKHNOC, 6€PC€ITHC occur.

Eckhel, Doct Num. Vet., vol. i, p. 176, refers (incorrectly, I think) the didrachm of Locri above-mentioned to the .Hannibalian War, and quotes a passage in Plutarch's Life of Flamininus, which is most apposite, because Zcvs, IImitis and 'Pw/xatoi are contained in it,

(Greek text)

 Fidem vero Romanorum veneramur a nobis jurejurando obstrictis quam candidissimam servandam. Canite virgines JOVEM magnum et ROMAM, et una Titum et Romanorum FIDEM. Io Paean, o Tite servator.

Attention should be directed to the head on the obverse, which is probably that of Zeùs (Greek text), invoked at an oath, jurisjurandi praeses. In Plutarch's Vitae Parallelae, edit. Sintenis, vol. ii, p. 209, we have a variant (Greek text) (v. his note). But Eckhel's reading is supported by the practice of the Flamines in the worship of Fides; at sacrifices they had their right hands enveloped in white linen: See Preller's Roman Mythology, French Translation, Troisièmo Partie, Les Dieux du Ciel, II, Jupiter C. Fides, p. 171 sq. publica vel populi Romani.

The Roman idea of this deity is admirably expressed by A. Hirt, Bilderbuch für Mythologie, Archäologie und Kunst, zweites Heft, p. 108 sq. Die Treue in Familienverhältnissen, gegen die Gesetzc, gegen das Vaterland, der Bündnisse zwischen Völkern: was kann der Menschheit heiliger seyn? The word Fides, meaning loyalty or allegiance, often appears on coins: Cohen, Médailles Impériales, vol. vii., p. 450 sq. Table des Légendes des Revere, FID. EXERC. Commode . . . FIDES VICTOR. Probus. We find here great variety of expression, e.g., Fides militum, cohortium, equitum, exercitus, Prætorianorum, publica. Fidelity is sometimes personified as a female holding military standards.

(Greek text) is also said with reference to historical and legendary tradition; in this sense it forms part of a group in the Apotheosis of Homer: Sir H. Ellis, Townley Gallery, vol. ii., p. 130; Hirt, loc. citat., and Titelkupfer des I. Heftes, fig. 13.

B.V. Head, Historia Numorum, Bruttium, Locri Epizephyrii, pp. 86-88, gives a full account of the Locrian money. He divides the silver coinage into two classes (α) Corinthian staters of Pegasos type for foreign commerce, (β) staters of native Locrian types for home trade. At p. 88 he points out that the head of Zeus in the above-mentioned didrachm closely resembles that on the famous tetradrachm of Pyrrhus, [390] so that we might regard them both as the work of the same engraver: cf. ibid., p. 341, Colonies of Corinth in Bruttium. British Museum, Catalogue of Greek Coins, Italy, Locri, pp. 364-369, esp. p. 365. Carellii Numi Italiæ Veteris, folio, pp. 107-109, Tab. clxxxix-cxci., Nos. 1-60. These numerous and beautiful engravings illustrate the preceding remarks; see esp. No. 14 for PΩMA and ΠIΣTIΣ.

Another coin of Locri is interesting on account of its relations both to history and to art; hence a short digression about it may, I hope, be excused. Upon the reverse is a half-draped female, seated on a throne without a back to it, holding in her right hand a patera and in her left a poppy: cf. omn. Carellii, loc. citat. Nos. 36-38, where a poppy-head surmounting a sceptre is distinctly seen. Probably the female here is Proserpine (Greek text), and represents the statue of the goddess in the Temple at Locri, which was plundered by Pyrrhus and afterwards by the Roman commander Pleminius. The circumstances of the sacrilege in both cases are related by Livy xxix, 6,16 sqq.; see esp. c. 18, speech of the Locrian Ambassador at Rome, Fanum est apud nos Proserpinae, de cujus sanctitate templi credo aliquam famam ad vos pervenisse Pyrrhi bello: ibid, with reference to Q. Pleminius, ausi sunt nihilominus sacrilegas admovere manus intactis illis thesauris.

The most famous example of a statue represented on a coin is the Venus of Praxiteles on the money of Cnidos: Eckhel, Doct. Num. Vet., vol. ii., p. 580, Venus pudica stans dextra tegenda tegit, sinistra vestem tenet, in numo Caracallae, et Caracallae cum Plautilla (his wife). Scharf, Guide to the Greek Court in the Crystal Palace, p. 37, engraving with legend KNIΔIΩN; ibid., p. 107 sq., full description of the figure. C. O. Müller, Archäologie der Kunst, English Transl., pp. 99-101, §127, remark 4. Aphrodite; ibid., p. 476 sq., § 377, remark 3.

Emil Braun, Vorechule (Introduction) der Kunstmythologie, 4to; p. 49, Taf. 77, Knidische Venus, Villa Ludovisi.

Similarly Venus Genetrix appears on the obverse of a bronze coin of Sabina (Hadrian's consort), with the Empress's effigy on the reverse. The goddess wears a close-fitting tunic, without girdle, that leaves the bosom partly uncovered, and draws her mantle over her right shoulder; she holds an apple in her left hand. Probably we have here a miniature copy of a famous statue by Arcesilaus in Cæsar'a forum. Comp. a gold coin of Faustina Junior: Cohen, Médailles Impériales, vol. ii., p. 587, No. 88, Revers, Venus debout à droite, relevant son voile et tenant une pomme. C. O. Muller, op. citat., pp. 473-475, § 376, Remark 3, Denkmäler, part ii., plate xxiv., fig. 266, Mit der Umschrift VENERI GENITRICI; see esp. the 2nd edition of this work by Wieseler, who has made many important additions, and in this case refere to Brunn and Overbeck. Emil Braun, Ruins and Museums of Rome, English Transl., p. 326, and Vorech. der Kunstmyth., p. 46, Taf. 73, full page engraving.

Lastly, the radiated head of the Sun on the Rhodian coinage is supposed to represent that of the celebrated Colossus: Scharf. Greek Court in the Crystal Palace, p. 42.

Montfaucon, Antiquité Expliquée. tome ii., part i., p. 99 sq., pi. xviii., fig. 2, gives some account of Temples erected to Rome and Augustus; p. 100, that at Pola, Nous en donnons le frontispice tei que l'a publié Spon, tome i., Voyage, p. 82... le portique est systyle, e'est à dire, que l'entrecolonne a deux diamètres de colonnes (Greek text), si Spon [391] l'a représenté fidelèment. Vitruvius, edit. Rode, iii., 2, p. 64, De quinque aedium speciebus — Item Systylos est, in qua duarum columnarum crassitudo in intercolumnis poterit collocari, et spirarum plinthides æque magnæ sint eo spatio, quod fuerit inter duas plinthides. Ibid., Lexic. Vitruvian., p. 64, Systylos. Nahesäulig. In the same plate, fig. 3, the Temple at Mylasa is figured, and described as being on the coast of Asia Minor, but the great antiquary has not expressed himself here with accuracy. For this city is situated eight geographical miles from the Gulf of Iassus in Caria, Montfaucon notices the remarkable ornaments of the building, esp. in the frieze, "ornée de feuilles de vigne, de pommes de pin et de fleurs." Again, as an illustration of this subject, he refers to a medal, which I have mentioned above, with the legend ROM. ET AVG., and two Victories surmounting, an altar, which he incorrectly calls a Temple, loc. citat, p. 100, A ces Temples de Rome et d'Auguste, nous ajoutons celui que les médailles de cet Empereur nous représentent, qui ne paroît pas bien magnifique; pl. xviii., fig. 4. The coin is fully discussed by Eckhel, Doct. Num. Vet., vol. vi. pp. 135-137, Reverse, Ara inter duas Victorias basi insistentes. Comp. my Paper on the Antiquities of Saintes, pt. ii., Archæol. Journ. vol. xliv., p. 215.

I have noticed at some length the Nike of Samothrace standing on the prow of a galley, now in the Louvre, and the aplustria on the Arch of the Sergii, because Pola was a great naval station of the Romans, as it is now of the Austrians. The late Sir Richard Burton, who was British Consul at Trieste, remarked to me that the fleets of the Empire must have often made the passage between Ancona and Pola, conveying troops during the wars with the Marcomanni, Dacians and other nations bordering on the Danube. A tetradrachm of Demetrius Poliorcetes shows us a winged Victory (Fame?) in the same position as that of the statue, holding a trumpet in her right hand, and a trophy-staff in her left. Neptune with a trident appears on the reverse: Eckhel, Doct. Num. Vet, ii., 119-122: Baumeister, Denkmaler des Klassischen Alter-tums, pp. 951 and 1021; in the latter reference nearly the whole of the right column is devoted to this subject. Waldstein, Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, Catalogue of Casts in the Museum of Classical Archaeology, p. 73 sq., No. 350. This monument is interesting for two reasons; it belongs to the school of Scopas, and commemorates an important event; moreover, its position in Paris renders it easily accessible to our countrymen.

(Greek text),  which in Latin takes the form aplustre, is sometimes confounded with (Greek text), e.g., by Liddell and Scott in their Greek Lexicon, and by Fröhner, La Colonne Trajane, p. 99 (woodcut No. 23, facing p. 97), who describing the stern (la poupe), uses the following expressions — "acrostole, recourbé (Greek text) et garni de l'aplustrum (it should be aplustre), espèce de panache en forme de queue de coq." In most of the passages where the words occur, (Greek text) is said of the stern, and (Greek text)  of the prow. Stephens, Thesaurus Græcæ Linguæ, edit. Didot, vol. i., pt. i., col. 1338, s.v. (Greek text)... usque ad proræ summitatem — (Greek text) Lat Rostra s.f. Vera distinctio secundum Didymum petenda ex Eustathio, 1039, 40. Conf. ibid. pt. ii., col. 2679, s.v. a<f>\currov, summa puppis pars-diversum ab (Greek text). Lat. enim paucis immutatis literis Aplustre vocat (Germanicus Caesar) (Greek text) .

[392] Lucan, Pharsalia, lib. iii, v. 585,

                                    ujus dum pugnat ab alta
Puppe Tagus, Graiumque audax aplnstre retentat.
lb. 672, at hi tortimi validis aplustre lacertis,
Avulsasque rotant, excusso remige, sedes.

See Forcellinj, edit. De Vit, art. Acroteria and Nota», also art. Aplustre and Nota, where many useful references will be found, esp. to writers on numismatics; and for the example of the latter in the Apotheosis of Homer, v. Hirt, Bilderbuch, Frontispiece (Titelvignette), Erklärung der Vignetten 1, 2, 3, 4, p. xviii., Die am Throne knieende figur 4, mit dem Schwerdt, die llias; und die figur 5, welche die Schiffszierde emporhält, die Odyssee. Sir H. Ellis, Townley Gallery in the British Museum, vol. ii., p. 129, gives an engraving of a coin of Hadrian, with the legend FELICITATI AVG, that shows the form and position of the aplustre in a Roman vessel.

Montfaucon, Antiquité Expliquée, tome iv., pt. i., pi. cxi., as I have already said, gives engravings of twelve medals that represent triumphal arches. A quadriga is the most common ornament at the top, but there are some remarkable varieties — in one case we see two quadrigae of elephants, and in another a car drawn by ten horses. A mounted horseman between trophies appears also three times as a decoration, so that we have a classical precedent for the equestrian statue of the Duke of Wellington, which formerly stood on the Arch at Hyde Park corner, and, after having been subjected to hostile criticism, was finally removed to Aldershot.

The cognomen Situs in the gens Sergia may remind us of Socrates who was (Greek text), flat nosed, E. Q. Visconti, Iconographie grecque, come i, première partie. Hommes illustres, chap. iv. Philosophes, § 4, Socrate, p. 166, en prenant l'ensemble d'une tete de Siléne, et lui donnant, outre le nez camus, essentiel à ce caractère de figure, des yeux à fleur de téte (Greek text), Xenophon, Symposium, c. 5 § 5), de grosses lèvres, et le haut de front presque chauve, nous aurions un portrait de Socrate bien ressemblant, v. note (2); Planche xviii, large size, Nos. 1, 2, front and side view of the bust. Description des Pierres Gravées du feu Baron de Stosch... par M. l'Abbé Winckelmann, Florence, 1760, p. 418 sq., IVeme classe, Nos. *55-*68. *66 Tête de Socrate qui ressemble plus qu' aucune autre à Siléne. C. W. King, Antique Gems and Rings, vol. ii, Illustrations, p. 67, Description of the Woodcuts, plate xlvi, Nos. 4-6; 6, Socrates and Plato, confronted portraits, a fine intaglio of a date closer to the times of the originals than any other of such portraits can boast. Catalogue of Engraved Gems in the British Museum, p. 169 sq., Nos. 1507-1511, Plate i.

Plato, v. Onomasticum at the end of the edition in one volume by Baiter, Orelli and Winckelmann, Zurich (Turici), 1839. Theaetetus, p. 70, line 16, marginal pagination 143 E. (Greek text). Convivium (Symposium) p. 788, lines 31-36 p. Steph., tom. iii 215 A, B, Cap. xxxii. (Greek text) the copious note of Stallbaum, Platonis Opera, vol. L, sect, iii., p. 140: Meno, p. 299, let col., line 36; p. Steph., tom. ii., 80 A; (Greek text) [393] (Greek text). Fortasse... (Greek text) ad faciem ejus respiciens Silenis simillimam, Stallbaum's note — (Greek text) Raia torpedo, electric ray.

Xenophon, Convivium (Symposium), cap. IV., §19, and Schneider's note. Lucian, Inferorum Dialogi, xx., §4, edit. Tauchnitz, tome i., p. 203. See the learned annotations of Davies on Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, lib. iv., c. 37, and De Fato, c. 5; he quotes Cyril, Theodoret, and other Christian writers.

For the meaning of silus o-t/xos, comp. Virgil, Eclogues x., 7.

Dum tenera attondent simae virgulta capellae, and the references in Forbiger's Commentary.

L. MENACIVSL FVEL
PRISCVS
EQVO • PVB • PHAEF • FABRVM • AED
IIVIR • TTVIR QVINQ • TRIB • MIL
FLAMEN • AVGVSTOR • PATRON • COLON
AQVAM • AVG • INSVPERIOREM
PARTEM • COLONIAE • ET • ININFERIOREM
IN PENSA • SVA • PERDVXIT • ET • INTVTELAM
ElVS DEDIT HS-CCCC

Found in 1831, while the area of the amphitheatre was being cleared. Corp. Inscrr. Lat., Gallia Cisalpina, No. 47. Notizie Storiche di Pula, Parenzo, 1876, p. 129 (Conservatore N. 822 — A. 1871). Aquedotto di Pola, Anno 160-170. The inscription, cited above, deserves to be repeated in extenso, because we learn from it some particulars concerning the aqueduct. Signor Tommasi, an architect employed at Pola by the Austrian Government, called my attention to it as being lunga e molto interessante. The water seems to have been carried as far as the walls of the colony at the expense of the State; thence it was distributed in the upper and lower parts of the city, and the fabric kept in repair by Menaci us Priscus, the patron, at his own cost.

Some details of this Inscription may require explanation, at least for those who are not versed in Latin Epigraphy: VEL means Velina tribu. Comp. Horace, Epistles i, 6, 52,

"Hic multum in Fabiâ valet, ille Velinâ."

Niebuhr, History of Rome, English Translation, vol. iii., p. 555, " The Velina and Quirina, in which were registered the Sabines, from the neighbourhood of Velinus and those about Cures." The tribe was named from the Lacus Velinus: Forcellini's Lexicon, s.v.; Niebuhr, ibid., p. 415, Cascade of Terni. We learn from the words EQVO • PVB that Menacius Priscus was one of the Equites equo publico, who received a horse from the State, or money to purchase one: Diet, of Greek and Roman Antiqq., third edition, vol. i., pp. 754-757, references esp. to Marquardt and Mommsen. Orelli's Collection, No. 313, EQV PVBLICO HONORATO || PRAEFECTO FABRVM || (Spon, Miscellanæ Eruditæ Antiquitatis p. 258, Inscrr. and note); ibid., No. 1229, HONORATO || EQVO PVBLICO AB || IMP. ANTONINO AVG. || PIO; No. 3457, EQ • P • EXORN. Niebuhr, History of Rome, v. Index, Knights' horses, vol. i., p. 440 sq. and note 1016, p. 469 sq. and notes 1073-1076, vol. iii., p. 347 and note 588.

The title Præfectus fabrum occurs on the Arch that formerly stood upon the Bridge at Saintes; Archæol. Journ., vol. xliv., p. 181, where [394] I have translated it, "General of Engineers." The same words appear at Reims in a different sense, viz., President of a guild of artizans; ibid., vol. xli., p. 136 sq. and notes: Loriquet, Travaux de l'Académie Imperiale de Reims, 1859-1860, Reims pendant la Domination romaine, pp. 80-85. In the genitive plural fabrûm is more common than fabrorum: Cicero, Orator, c. 46, § 156 Jam (ut censoriae tabulae loquuntur). "Fabrum et procum" audeo dicere, non "fabrorum et procorum." See De Vit, s.v. Faber, § 3, Collegia and praefectus fabrum. An archaic form is found in inscriptions. PRAIF, FABR. iI. i.e, iterum, Orelli, No. 2276; cf. ibid. PRAISVL. PREFECTVS, in the Byzantine period, Henzen, Supplement No. 5596. McCaul, Romano-British Inscriptions, p. 187, note, has some remarks on organizations of workpeople — dendrophori, suarii, confectuarii, etc. These dendrophori (carpenters, Cod. Theodos.) must be distinguished from another class which had the same name, and whose functions corresponded better with its etymology; these latter carried trees in honour of some divinity: Orelli No. 1602, M. Poblicius Hilarus Margar. Q.Q.P.P (Margaritarius, Quinquennalis perpetuus) cum liberi a Magno et Hermoniano Dendrophoris. We have evidence that this corporation existed at Pola and was devoted to the worship of Cybele, C.I.L., Gallia Cisalpina, vol. i, p. 15, No. 81,

DENDROPHORlS
POLENSIVM
C. LAECANIVS
THEODORVS
SACE rd OS • M • D • M • I
LO cu M • CVM
SEPVLTVRA DEDIT
INFR PXLII
1NAG PXLII

M.D.M.I should be expanded thus; Magnae Deûm Matris Idacae. P = Pedes. Comp. Horace, Satires i, 8, 12,

Mille pedes in fronte, trecentos cippus in agrum
Hic dabat: HEREDES MONVMENVM NE SEQVERETVR.

Vide Interpretes, and Orelli, Inscrr., vol. ii., Nos. 4374, 4382, 4557. Daremberg et Saglio, s.v. Dendrophoria ((Greek text) Fig. 2330, bas-relief at Bordeaux, cf. Art. Daphnephoria. According to Smith's Latin Dictionary s.v. Dendrophorus, branches of trees were carried in the procession; but I doubt whether this statement is correct; comp. the phrase arbor intrat, C.I.L., vol. i., p. 389, commentarli diurni and citations. Confectuarius does not occur frequently; De Vit prefers the form Confecturarius, and translates it by Salsicciajo, sausage-maker.

Aug. Potthast, Wegweiser durch die Geschichtswerke des Europaischen Mittelalters von 375-1500, pp. 267-270 gives a list of the Bishops, Archbishops and Patriarchs of Aquileia [deutsch: Agley, Aglar; slav. Oglei], distinguishing in the last case the schismatic from the orthodox, with an introductory sketch of the ecclesiastical history of the city.

Lübke, Grundriss der Kunstgeschichte. vol. i., p. 379, fig. 258, as a specimen of the strange symbolism of the Middle Ages, has engraved two remarkable reliefs, probably belonging to the beginning of the twelfth century, which were formerly in the porch of the church connected with the baptistery at Aquileia. They represent St. John and St. Luke as human figures with wings; the former has the head of an eagle, the latter of a bull.

[395] Following the suggestion of my excellent friend, Mons. Héron de Villefo88e, Conservateur de la Sculpture Greoque et Romaine au Musée du Louvre, I halted on my way from Trieste to Pola at Parenzo, to see the remarkable mosaics there. Some account of them will be found in Notes Ecclesiastical and Picturesque on Dalmatia, Croatia, Istria, and Styria, with a visit to Montenegro, by the Rev. J. M. Neale, M.A., 1861. But subsequently to the publication of this book, very important discoveries have been made in the course of excavations undertaken by the Rev. Parroco-Decano, Mons. Paolo Deperis, which are described by Dr. Andrea Amoroso in a brochure entitled Le Basiliche Cristiane di Parenzo, Lettura tenuta al V° Congresso Generale della Società Istriana di Archeologia e Storia Patria (con tre tavole), pp. 30, 8vo., Parenzo, 1891, reprinted from the memoirs of the Bame Society, vol. vi., Fase. 3° e 4° — 1890. It has been ascertained that three churches were built here. The results are thus summarized, op. ci tat. p. 6, primo, nella scoperta di una primitiva basilica cristiana; secondo, nella constatazione dell'esistenza di una seconda basilica, sulle cui fondamenta il vescovo Eufrasio (a. 524-556) ha eretto poscio quella che da lui prende nome. For details I must refer the reader to Dr. Amoroso's lecture, and will only mention one inscription which is specially interesting, because it shows that the Christians at an early period paid attention to the education of youth, p. 8,

CLAMOSVS MAG PVER ET SVCCESSA • P C
FELICISSIMVS CVM SVIS • P • C

It is said that church music was studied in their schools: v. footnote1, ibid: F. X. Krause, Real-Encydopedie der Christlichen Alterthümer, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1886, tomo ii., p. 173; e L. Duchesne Origines du culte chrétien, Paris, 1889, page 335.

I exhibited a photograph of the interior of the Basilica at Parenzo, taken expressly for the meeting of the Archaeological Institute; also a copy on a large scale of the great mosaic in the apse, with the inscription underneath. It consists of thirteen hexameter verses, and is given by Dr. Amoroso, op. citat., p. 25. These mosaics are similar in style to those which adorn the Churches at Ravenna, and are too well known for me to describe them here.

At Trieste there is an important Museum of Antiquities, which should not be overlooked, close to the Duomo or Cathedral of San Giusto. In the neighbourhood of Fiume, on a hill above the town, an Antikensammlung formerly existed in the Schloss Tersatto, but it has been dispersed. A catalogue of it was published at Vienna, 1881, Sonderabdruck aus dem fünften Jahrgange der "Archæologisch-Epigraphischen Mittheilungen aus Oesterreich."

On the return journey I visited Brescia; the collections in that city contain two objects which specially deserve the antiquary's notice — 1, The bronze statue of Victory, discovered in 1826, which Giovanni Gozzoli in his brochure entitled La Vittoria Greca, Roma, 1883, calls la più rara gemma dell' Arte antica reliquia della vetusta Brescia; his pamphlet is illustrated by a good engraving — 2, The Lipsanotheca, a series of ivory plates forming a reliquary. The bas-reliefs upon them represent Scriptural subjects, Jonah cast overboard, swallowed by the whale, and vomited on dry land; Daniel in the lions' den; Pharaoh's [396] daughter finding the infant Moses in the ark of bulrushes; the raising of Lazarus; Peter denying our Lord; the deceit of Ananias and Sapphira, &c. With the conventional treatment observable here we may compare the wall-paintings in Catacombs: Müller-Wieseler, Denkmälde der alten Kunst, pt. i., p. 105, pi. lxxiv., No. 431. Wandgemalde aus dem "Coemeterium SS. Marcellini et Petri inter duas Lauros ad S. Helenam," an der via Labicana; from Aringhi, Roma subterranea tom. ii., p. 101, folio plate, fully described p. 100 Unica Cubiculi Undecimi Tabula. Seroux d'Agincourt, History of Art by its Monuments, vol. iii., Painting, pl. vi., Nos. 1-5. Étude sur les Sarcophages Chrétiens antiques de la ville d'Arles par M. Edmond Le Blant, v. Table des Matières, pp. 75-84, e.g. Lazare; forme de son tombeau; L. ressuscité représenté sur les tombes; L. ressuscité et Moïse frappant le rocher, &c. Photographs of the reliquary, which is in the form of a cross, can be obtained at Brescia.

Lipsanotheca is not a word of classical Latinity, but is formed by composition in the same manner as Dactyliotheca and Bibliotheca. Vide Stephens, Thesaurus Graecæ Linguæ, edit. Didot, vol. v., p. 174 sq., s.v. (Greek text); Ducange, Glossarium Mediæ et Infìmæ Latinitatis, edit, Henschel, vol. iv., p. 125, s.v. Lipsana, ae, Reliquiæ Sanctorum; Lipsanotheca, Theca Reliquiarum, in actis SS. Junii torn. 2, p. 747, ubi de Reliquiis S. Antonii de Padua. Id., Glossarium Mediæ Graecitatis, (Greek text), Cadaver, Corpus vitâ functi; in this article many passages are cited.

Works of art executed in centuries XIV-XIX are enumerated and explained by Dr. P. Rizzini, Illustrazione dei Civici Musei di Brescia (Dai Commentari dell'Ateneo) Brescia, 1889, with 3 plates, Fototipia A. Mottironi.

I add a list of publications relating to Istria and neighbouring countries, supplementary to those above-mentioned: —

  • James Henry, Æneidea, or critical, exegetical and sesthetical remarks on the Æneis, vol. i., pp. 521-551; notes on book i, vv. 246-250, Antenor potuit &c, contain a dissertation on the river Timavus.
  • Gregorutti, Iscrizioni inedite Aquileiesi, Istriane e Triestine, with three plates; La Città e l'agro colonico di Aquileia (Estratto dall Archeographo Triestino) 1886.
  • Friedrich Müller, Die Grottenwelt von St. Canzian.
  • Dr. Carlo Marchesetti, Ricerche Preistoriche nelle caverne di S. Canziano presso Trieste.
  •  The following by the late Sir Richard Burton:
    • A Visit to Lissa aud Pelagosa.
    • The Long Wall of Salona and the Ruined Cities of Pharia and Gelsa di Lesina.
    • The Thermae of Monfalcone (Aqua Dei et Vitae).
    • Notes on the Castellieri or Prehistoric Ruins of the Istrian Peninsula (Anthropologic 17th February 1874).

I am much indebted to this learned traveller, to Lady Burton, and to Mr. Cautley, British Vice Consul, for their kindness, not only in making my stay at Trieste very agreeable, but also in facilitating my Archaeological researches.


Notes:

  1. Read at the Monthly Meeting of the Institute, July 2nd, 1891.
  2. Nîmes (Nemausus), in all France the site most famous for Roman monuments, is seldom mentioned by Greek and Latin writers; in this respect it resembles Arles (Arelate), Orange (Arausio) and Autun (Augustodunum), which to this day exhibit conspicuous proofs of their former magnificence. In this case Strabo is our chief authority; he informs us, lib. IV, cap. I, § 12, p. 186, that Nemausus was the metropolis of the Volcae Arecomici, and inferior to Narbo (Narbonne) as a mart for trade, but superior in population. The inhabitants enjoyed the Latin rights and privileges, Jus Latii (Adam's Antiquities, edit. 1834, p. 57 sq.), so that those among them who were aediles or quaestors became, by virtue of their office, Roman citizens. Home Rule, at least to some extent, was granted to this people, for prefects were not sent from Rome to govern them. Strabo also adds some details relating to the neighbourhood.

    Ptolemy defines the geographical position, lib. II, cap. 10, § 6, (Greek text); see the note in Car. Müller's edition, vol I, p. 241. Aüg. Nemeto appears in the Tabula Peutingeriana, Segm. II. 8, ed. Kourad Miller; on coins we find col NBM and col NIM. Pliny, Nat. Hist. lib. XI, cap. XLII, Sect. 97. § 240, says that excellent cheese was exported to Rome from the territory of Nîmes. Ausonius, Ordo urbium nobilium (XVIIll) v. 161, p. 103, edit. Schenkl, 1883, mentions the glassy, translucent fountain which is still to be seen in the city,

    Non Aponus potu, vitrea non luce Nemaueus.
    Purior, aequoreo non plenior amne Timavus.

    In the Antonine Itinerary under the heading De Italia in Hispassias, Nemausus is placed between Arelate and Ambrussum (probably Pont Embrieu), edit. Wesseling, p. 388, and ibid. p. 396; see also Itinerarium Hierosolymitanum, a Burdigala Hierusalem usque p. 652.

    Most of the preceding references are given in Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography, Art. Nemausus by Mr. George Long, well known as the editor of the Penny Cyclopaedia and the Bibliothcca Classica.

  3. This temple at Pola is, I believe, the only one still existing on which we cau read the inscription in honour of Rome and Augustus. Doubtless in ancient times these words appeared on many similar edifices: e.g. at Mylasa, a city in the interior of Caria, north of Caunus, the architrave of a temple bore the following epigraph:

    O ΔHMOΣ. ATTOKPATOPI. KAIΣAPI. ӨEOT. TlΩI. ΣEBAΣTΩI. APXIEPEI. MEΓIΣTΩ. KAI. ӨEAI. PΩMHI.

    Eckhel, Doct. Num. Vet, vol. VI, p. 136, says epistylio in hunc diem inscriptio legitur: probably he is mistaken, as the Turks destroyed the building in the course of last century, and used the materials to erect a mosque; at all events the characters are not to be seen now. This is one of the cases in which we do well to consult the earlier antiquaries, such as Spon, Pococke, Chishull and Chandler, for many monuments existed in their days which have since perished; and they are less likely than recent compilers to copy carelessly the mistakes of others.

    Caylus mentions an example of this cult derived from the same region. In his Recuail d'Antiquites, tome II, pp. 179-192, Planches LVI, LVII, LVIII, we find a copy of an Inscription in Greek capitals, with translation and copious notes. The original was engraved on a marble found at Cyme, and possesses a liuguistic as well as historical interest, because the dialect employed is theÆolic. It is a decree (Greek text) of the Senate and people of that city in honour of Lucius Vaecius Labeo, who had conferred many benefits upon them. The following lines euit our present purpose, 55-57,

    EΠI IEPEΩΣ TAΣ PΩMAΣ KAI AYTOKPATOPOΣ KAIΣAPOΣ ӨEΩ YIΩ ӨEΩ ΣEBAΣTΩ APXIEPEOΣ MEΓIΣTΩ KAI ΠATPOΣ TAΣ ΠATPIΔOΣ.

    See especially p. 189 sq., where the similar cases of Pergamus and Mylasa are mentioned; of the Temple at the latter place Chishull has a fine drawing in his Asiatic Antiquities. With this worship of Augustus in the provinces we may compare the flattery of the Senate at Home, who passed a vote that Nero should have a statue of a size equal to that of Mars Ultor, and in the same Temple. Tacitus, Annals, XIII, 8.

  4. Gibbon, Decliue and Fall. chap. II, vol. I, p. 165, edit Dr. W. Smith, Universal Bpirit of toleration.
  5. Juvenal, Sat. IL, 149-153,
    Esse aliquos manes et subterranea regna,
    Cocytum et Stygio ranas in gurgite nigras,
    adque una transire uadum tot milia cumba,
    nee pueri credunt, nisi qui nondum aere lauantur,
    sed tu uera puta.

    I have followed the text of Otto Jahn's edition, Berlin. 1851, which differs considerably from that of Ruperti.

  6. Horace, Odes, I, 12, 49-52,
    Gentis humanae pater atque custos,
    Orte Saturno, tibi cura magni
    Caesaris fatia data: tu secundo

    Caesareregnes

    The poet is here addressing Jupiter: cf. ibid, 2, 41-49; and Odes IV, 5, 31-36

  7. Conybeare and Howson, Life and Epistles of St Paul, 8vo. edition, vol. I, p. 19, Preparation in the Empire for Christianity. "If the mysterious wisdom of the divine pre-arrangements is illustrated by the period of the spread of the Greek language, it is illustrated no less by that of the completion and maturity of the Roman government."
  8. Such ideas floating in society transcend in importance external objects, which are, as it were, images or likenesses of the former; so Plato says, (Greek text). De Republica, lib VI, p. Steph.,T. II, 510; Platonis Opera, edit Orelli, p. 495 (in one vol.)

    Conf. omnino St. Paul's Epistle to the Ephesians, chap, iv, vv. 3-6, Unitas servanda fidei in varietate munerum gratiae, edit. Tischendorf; The unity of the mystical Body of Christ, edit. Alford. — (Greek text).

  9. Loc. citat., addito sodalium Augustalium sacerdotio: cf. ibid, ludos Augustales. See also IV, 37, Cum divus Augustus sibi atque Urbi Romae templum apud Pergamum sisti non prohibuisset.
  10. This statement is made iu the Notizie Storiche di Pula, edite per cum del Municipio, Parenzo, 1876, p. 107, but I have not been able to find any ancient authority for it. The writer adds by way of explanation, "dacché Augusto aveva concesso che una porzione dell' eredità di Marcantonio passasse alle figlie: all'Antonia maggiore ed alla minore." The relation of Antonia to members of the Imperial family is given in the Stemma Caesarum (Genealogy), No. 42; it is prefixed to Brotier's Tacitus, together with a Latin commentary, which Valpy has translated in his edition: v. esp. vol. I, p. XV sq.

    This lady is interesting to English antiquaries, because she is supposed by some eminent critics to be represented in the bust of Clytie so-called, which is perhaps the most pleasing ornament of our National Collection. For her biography, and the extant works of art which commemorate her, see Romische Ikonographie von J. J. Bernoulli, 3 vols. 1882-1891. In this important work, of which the third vol. appeared only last year — Zweiter Teil, Die Bildnisse der Römischen Kaiser, II. von Galba bis Commodus — Antonia is mentioned, vol. II, pp. 110, 217, 230, 271, 281 sq., 372: v. esp. pp. 222-224. No. 15 Büste der sogenannten Clytia im britischen Museum, Die Gesichtszüge sind vou aussarordentlicher Schönheit, aber individuell, fig. 43a; fig. 43b. Ebendieselbe (Profilansicht). However, the identification with Antonia has been disputed, cf. ibid. p. 227 sq. Sir H. Ellis, Townley Gallery, 1846, vol. II, pp. 19-21. The Rev. C. W. King, on antique paste found at Stanwix, near Carlisle, Archæol. Journ., 1872, vol. XXIX, pp. 26-33, esp. p, 30. Antonia was the daughter of Octavia, and therefore niece of Augustus. Mr. King notices her effigy in carnei, a gold medal, and "the marble bust tliat deifies the same virtuous lady as an Isis reposing on her lotus flower." His account of her is the best that I have met with.

  11. Suetonius, Vita Claudii, cap. 2 — adeo ut, animo simul et corpore hebetate, ne progressâ quidem aetate ulli publico privatove muneri habilis existimaretur.
  12. Suetonius, ibid., Claudius natus est, Jiilo Antonio, Fabio Africano consulibus, Calendis Augustis.. Lugduni, eo ipso die, quo primum ara ibi Augusto dedicata est, appellatus que Tiberius Claudius Drusus. Comp. Juvenal, Sat. I, v. 44,

    Aut Lugdunensem rhetor dicturus ad aram.

    and Ruperti's explanatory notes.

  13. The words of Josephus are (Greek text).

    The use of C for Σ1; indicates a late period. It is adopted by the transcriber of the Codex Alexandrinus, now in the British Museum.

    Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum, edit. Böckh, Pars XIII, Inscrr. Kariae, Sect. IV. Aphrodisias, a city in the North-Eastern part of the province (Tacitus, Ann. Ill, 62; Sir C. Fellows, Lycia, p. 32 with plate). No. 2889, vs. 2, ...OΔONAΠOTOTΣEBAΣTEIOΤNAOT.

  14. Edit. Drakenborch, 4to., vol. VI, p. 969, with variorum notes; he reads Vercundari Dubio. J. Fr. Gronovius, whom Bentley calls acutissimus, correctly remarks corruptum nomen Gallicum. Edit. Weissenborn, vol. X, p. 188 sq., Periocha libri CXXXVII fehlt; Periocha lib. CXXXVIIII. Ara divi Cæsaris ad confluentem Araris et Rhodani dedicata sacerdote creato Caio Julio Vercondaridubno Aeduo. For some observations on the termination dubnus or dumnus v. note, Archæol. Journ., vol. XLIV, p. 184.

    The full title of Gliick's work is, Dei bei Caius Julius Caesar vorkommenden Keltischen Namen in ihrer Echtheit festgestellt und erlaütert von Christian Wilhelm Glück, München, 1857; see esp. p. 174 sq. Jenes ver ... die Verstärkungs-partikel, Kymr. guer — (=ver), das spater in die Formen guor — gor — gur gwr überging (S. Zeuss 151, 867 S. u. f.). We have this prefix in a much more famous name than those already cited, viz., Vercingetorix (Gück, ibid., p. 75, note 2). the leader of the Gauls in their supreme effort to throw off the Roman yoke, whose memory is cherished by them even at present. A French antiquary has gone so far as to point out the rock from which he harangued his fellow-countrymen. But even their descendants are willing to admit that there is here un peu de fantaisie.

    Vercingetorix (in Strabo, lib. IV, cap. II, § 3, p. 191, (Greek text) has been explained as=valde forti, dominus, the syllable ver being intensive.

    Some notices of the worship of Augustus will be found in Archæol. Journ. vol. XLIV, pp. 179-182, and 215 sq.

  15. Annals, IV, 37, per omnes provincias effigie numinum sacrari ambitiosum, superbum: et vanescet Augusti honor, si promiscis adulationibus vulgatur. Tacitus here gives us the purport of the speech (hujuscemodi orationem not ipsissima, verba), in which Tiberius refused the honour of a temple offered him by the Spaniards.
  16. Heiss, Monnaies antiques de l'Eapagne, Cose-Tarraco, p. 123, No. 48, C.V.T.T, cf. No. 54, p. 126; he says that the first T is togata, v. plate VIII. Comp. my paper on Tarragona, Archaeol. Journ. XXXVII, 16, which contains some additional references in notes 3 and 4.
  17. Archæol. Journ., loc. citat., XLIV, 215, notes 1, 2. Preller's Roman Mythology, French Translation, Les Dieux de l'ancienne Rome, Mythologie Romaine, Onzième Partie Demi-Dieux et Héros, cap. IX, Dea Roma, pp. 465-467; p. 466 (Greek text) ...la déesse personnifiée de la toute-puissante ville, celle que les Romanis appelaient quelquefois Valentia, en traduisant son nom. See Forcellini's Lexicon, a.v. Valentia, who cites Solinus, initio. cap. 1 (al. 2).
  18. The original coin above-mentioned is rare and expensive; I exhibited a good electro-type by Mr. Ready of the British Museum. This Loeri is called Epizephyrii — near the Promonotory Zephyrium. For the epithet (Greek text) comp. Pindar, Olympic Odes, X, 18, (Greek text), and Herodotus, VII, 23, (Greek text) with Baehr's note. So the city in Italy is distinguished from Locri Epicnemidii,Opuntii and Ozolae in Greece Proper.

    This didrachm is engraved and described in Baumeister's Denkmaler des Klassischen Alterthums, Band II, S. 956 Abbildung 1126, Art. Münzkunde (griechische), and referred to, Band III, S. 1535, "freilich noch ohne einheitliche Charakteristik," i.e., fig. of Roma. Leake, Numismata Hellenica, European Greece. Italy, p. 126 sq.; Supplement, p. 131; Appendix, Index to the Notes. Strabo, p. 269, lib. VI, c. I, §§ 7-9, mentions the legislation of Zaleucus, which made Locri celebrated: (Greek text). Bentley, Dissertation upon the Epistles of Phalaris (which Porson calls immortalis in his note on the Medea of Euripides, v 139, 140), edit. Dyce, vol. I, pp. 376-398: Attic Dialect, Zaleucus's Laws.

  19. Archæol. Journ., vol, XLIV, p. 215, note 1.
  20. The last of these engravings is a male figure — the Genius of Rome, tome IV, p. 351 sq., 1905 A — m.g. Mus. Borbon. "Ce Génie tient ù la main droite une patère et à la gauche une branche de chéne. Il est chaussé de riches brodequins. Deux boucliers sont appuyés au tronc d'arbre; on y remarque aussi la louve."

    Baumeister has on excellent article Roma, die Stadtgüttin, with an illustration, Abbildung 1598, a colossal head of the goddess, Pentelic marble, in the Louvre from the Borghese Collection. According to him this personification came from Asia Minor, and a Greek artist in the second century B.C. combined with the old severe type of Juno the proud bearing (Haltung) and attributes of Minerva. Comp. Pallas from Velletri, S. 213, Abb. 167. A coin of the gens Maenia, Cohen, Médailles Consulaires, plate XXV, No. 2, is cited by Baumeister as an example of the heads of Pallas on Roman denarii, which have often been improperly called Roma; this denarius bears the name of P. Maenius Antiaticus, Consul B.C. 338.

    In the Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, 3rd edition, p. 455 a. b, s.v. Clavus Lotus, we find that some writers suppose that it is represented in a woodcut annexed, which is copied from a painting of Rome personified, formerly belonging to the Barberini family.

    Rome, as might be expected a priori, has special attributes in the Tabula Peutingeriana, Segmentam, V, d., edit Mannert; cf. Weltkarte des Castorius gennannt Die Peutioger'sche Tafel (in the original colours) edit. Dr. Konrad Miller, Ravensburg, 1888. She has a crown like that of the Carlovingian kings, orb, sceptre, shield and purple robe, and is seated on a throne with a high back to it, such as we see in the cathedra of bishop Maximianus at Ravenna: Lübke, Orundriss der Kunstgeschichte, 5th edition, 1871, vol. I, p. 266, fig. 178. This is the finest specimen of Byzantine work in ivory that remains to us. For the crown comp. MSS. of the Carlovingian period, Lübke, loc. citat., p. 267, fig. 179, Kaiser Lothar and Karl der Dicke. Fränkische Miniaturen, and coins of later French kings: Ducange, Glossary, edit. Henschel, tome IV, p. 489, s.v. Moneta Regia, Philippe III, Tab. VI, num. 17, cf. Tab. VII, 1, 2, 3, &c. J. B. A. A.  Barthélemy, Numismatique moderne, Atlas, pl. IV, no. 277, Philippe le Hardi.

    There are similar figures of Constantinople and Antioch in the Table, v. Index edit. Mannert; in the latter case the river Orontes also appears, as on coins. Preller, op. citat, p. 467, article on Dea Roma, says, "Constantinople eut aussi sa déesse... Elle se distinguait de l'ancienne Rome en ce qu' elle portait la couronne murale et mettait le pied sur l'avant d'un vaisseau."

  21. Mommsen visited Istria in 1857, 1862 and 1866; in the first of these years ho travelled through the country (peraqravit). ln the course of these journeys he was twice at Pula. C. I. L., voL V, pt. I, p. 2, § IX; ibid., p. 7, § XIX.
  22. P. 8, No. 18. The date assigned is U.C. 752/767. A host of references follow from Sauutus down to Arneth, Wiener Denkschrifte, 1, 290, Kandler n. 170. Marìnus Sanutus was author of Itinerario per la terra ferma Veneziana nell'a, 1483. Kandler takes the foremost place among local antiquaries in modern times, born 1804, died 1872; he was an Englishman by birth, who settled iu Austria, aud thus his name was altered from Chandler to Kandler. He held the office of Director of the Museo lapidario Triestino ed Aquileiese. His works are out of print and very difficult to procure; the following seem to be the most important L'Istria, a serial, 1846-1852, Indicazioni per riconoscere le cose storiche del Litorale, which include Inscrizioni de i tempi Romani rinvenute nell'Istria. Kandler's publications are very meritorious, but to a considerable extent they have been superseded by the labours of Mommsen, who had access to the MSS. and collections of his predecessor, and has corrected many mistakes. C. I. L., loc. citat. § VIII.
  23. Filio, or au abbreviation of it, is required for the grammatical construction of Divi in the genitive case: we find the omission supplied in No. 7, DIVI F.
  24. Legebatur Athenis antequam everteretur a Mahomete II in vestibulo templi quod in arce, quondam Palladi, postea B. Mariae Virgini sacrum fuit The lower part of the Inscription contains the following words

    IEPEΩΣ
     
    ӨEAΣPΩMHΣ KAI ΣEBAΣTOT ΣΩTHPOΣ EN AKPOΠOAEI.

  25. There is a good engraving of this Temple in the Illustrirter Führer durch Triest, &c, zweite Auflage, 1386, p. 69, in Hartleben's Series of Illustr, Reiseführer. Lübke, op. citat., vol. I, p. 188, describes it thus, "ein wohlerhaltenes Beispiel der edlen Ausprägung des korinthischen Styles und der Verbindung griechischer Formen mit italischer Grundrissanlage, denn nach alter heimischer Tradition ist auch hier eine tiefe Vorballe der einfachen Cella angefügt," V. ibid., fig. 1
  26. I have used the term so-called, because probably Fors Fortuna is the right name» and Virilis is a mistake from some confusion between Fors the substantive and fartis the adjective: so Dionysius says IV, 27, (Greek text), See Professor J. H. Middleton, Ancient Home in 1885, c. XII, pp. 376-378, fig. 44, comp. Bunsen, Beschreibung der Stadt Rom, vol. Ill, pp. 343-345, Angeblicher Tempel der Fortuna Virilis, and p. 665 sq., Nachträge. De Vit, Onomasticon to Forcellini's Lexicon, has a long article s.v. Fors, §§ 1-7: he cites Ovid, Fasti, VI, 773 et seqq.; Plutarch, de Fortuna Rom. 5, (Greek text) ; but there is a variant in Wyttenbach's edition, Plutarchi Moralia, vol II, Pt I, p. 308, Oxon. 1796. (Greek text); comp. a coin of Oalerius Maximianus with the legend PORTI • FORTVNAE. ap. Eckhel, VIII, p, 38. In Smith's Dictionary of Classical Geography, vol. II, p. 815, we have an engraving of this Temple, and it is there attributed to Pudicitia Patricia — a conjecture of Becker's which the writer of the article Roma (Mr. Dyer) seems to favour.

    The Forum Boarum is close to the Forum Olitorium (Vegetable-Market); Porta Flumentana, near the "ponte rotto," led from one to the other: Middleton. ubi supra} p. 381; and see the map of Modern Rome facing the title page, with references to Antiquities, No. 35. Emil Braun, op. citat., p. 29 sq. § 8.

  27. The position of this Temple at Pola, adjoining the Forum, may remind us of the Temple of Jupiter at Pompeii, which stood at the north end of the Forum Civile in that city; but there is more than one feature of resemblance. See Overbeck, Pompeii, map at the end of vol. II, Resultai der Ausgrabungen von 1748-1865, No. VII; vol. I, pp. 89-94 § 2, esp. p. 89, § 2, Fur die Bedeutung, des Gebaudes als Tempel aber spricht zunàchst seiner Lage auf dem schonsten Bauplatee der Stadt... seine gesammte sehr charakterische Anlage, die Saülenhalle mit der hinter ihr Uegenden Cella, &c. Figur. 62. Plan des Jupiter-tempels, Fig. 64. Seitenansicht, Fig. 65. Durchschnitt; cf. supra, Figs. 32 and 34.

    We cannot state precisely the date at which the Temple of Rome and Augustus was erected. In the Notizie Storiche di Pula, edite per cura del Municipio, Parenzo, 1876, p. 21, A.D., 8 is mentioned, and p. 74, the year B.C. 19. The architectural beauties of the edifice are well described in the former passage, "Nella sua piccolezza e simplicity ha un che di elegante insieme e grandioso, che indarno si cerca in molti edifioii moderni di maggiore pretesa... La cornioe, i capitelli, tutti i lavori di dettaglio sono di finitezza squisita."

    For Temples dedicated to Augustus see Hirt, Die Geschichte der Baukuost bei den Alten, Zweiter Band, Funfter Zeit-raura von Augustus bis Constantin. Many examples will be found in $$ 26-33; Pola in § 2S fin., p. 299, Taf. XII, figs. 14, 15. He notices esp. one at Fanum, zu Fano—dem alten Fanestri baute Vitruv seine Basilica, verbunden mit einem Tempel des Augustus, das einzige bekannte Gebaiide von dienem Baumeis* ter, § 27, p. 296; and another at Mylassa in Caria, referring to Chishull and Pococke as authorities. It had an extraordinary Deculiarity, viz., that the col-umns in front were Corinthian, and the rest Ionio, $ 30, p. 300.

  28. The great work of L[uigi]. Rossini — Archi Trionfali [note] — is limited to Italy, including Savoy and Istria, but especially valuable because it contains the finest illustrations of the subject; the plates are of the largest folio size, and admirably executed. In this series the Arches of Susa and Aosta immediately precede that of the Sergii; the former supplies us with a good example of the kind of information to be derived from these engravings. Besides a general view of the monument as it exists, a second plate gives a Restoration (Restauro) with Bassorilievo sul fianco Meridionale and Fregio che adorna il prospetto dell'arco a Settentrione; also details — cornice, capitals and pedestals of columns, &c. Here and at Aosta the Tribunicia Potestas is mentioned, and it occurs so frequently elsewhere that we cannot wonder at its improper insertion by conjecture on the entablature at Pola: see Orelli, Collectio Inscriptionum Latinarum, c. II, Monumenta Historica, § 3; in pp. 155, 156, there are no less than seven examples of this title — in extenso, or abbreviated. The mistake made by Spon has been repeated by Montfaucon, Antiquité Expliquée, tome II, pt. I, pl. XVIII, facing p. 102 — Front of the Temple with the Inscription.

    Rossini, op. citat., illustrates the Arco di Sergio Lepido in the same style as that at Aosta; but he incorrectly describes the situation of the former, saying that it is vicino a Trieste, whereas it is eighty miles distant from this city. In his second Plate he gives the following details, Trabeazione dell' ordine (architrave) — Basamento — Nel mezzo del soffitto dell' arco — Ornato nel pilastro — Ornato nella grossezza dell' arco — Imposta dell' arco — Dell' Attico — Trofei nei fianchi dell'Arco una sesta parte al vero (on a large scale it will be observed). These trophies an cuirasses, standards, swords, spears, shields, helmets, two aplustria (ornaments of the stems of ships), battle-axes and trumpets.

  29. Antiquité Expliquée, tome III, pt. I, p. 176 sq., Liv. V, chap II. — I, Porte Majeure de Rome, autrefois appellée Labicane ou Esquiline. II, Les deux portes anciennes d'Autun. Ill, Porte ancienne singulière près de la ville de Meste en Cilicie. IV, Autres portes de villes. Planches XCVI-XCVIII. The last plate includes the Gate at Zara as well as that at Pola; it also contains two medals from Vaillant, one of Trajanoplis and the other of Nicopolis. The former city, on the West coast of Cilicia, was so called because Trajan died there A.D. 117; it had previously borne the name of Selinus. The latter is Nicopolis in Epirus, founded by Augustus to perpetuate the memory of his victory at Actium: St. Paul in his Epistle to Titus, III, 12, says that he intended to winter there, (Greek text). Tacitus, Ann., II, 53. Sed cum honorem Germanicus iniit apud urbem Achaiae Nicopolim, quo venerat per Illyricam oram, viso fratre Druso in Dalmatia agente: see the note in the edition of Lipsius printed by Plantin, Antverpiae M. DC. VII, folio, p. 62 Benè latè Achaiae nomen sumit, non pro Graeciâ solum (quod alibi annotamus) sed pro Epiro, ubi sane haec urbe est, &c., Ibid. V, 10, Romana colonia. Eckhel, D.N.V., vol. II, pp. 165-167; p. 166, Epigraphe NEIKOΠOAEΩC IEPAC, Porta urbis. Wordworth's Greece, pp. 312-315, edit 1859, description of the Theatre and other ruins; Alford, Greek Testament, vol. Ill, p. 95 sq., note 3. Prolegomena, chap. VII, § II, On the Pastoral Epistles, Time and Place of writing.

    Ant. Expl., tome IV, pt. I, pp. 169-172, Liv. VI, chap. VIII. I, Les arcs de triomphe, et premièrement l'arc de triomphe d'Orange, et autres arcs. II, L'arc de Sevère: question sur cet ace, III, L'arc de Constatin, fait des dépouilles du marché de Trajan. IV, Autres arcs de triomphe, Pls. CVIII-CXI. The last plate contains twelve engravings of triumphal arches copied from medals and enlarged.

    I have cited iu this note two passages from Montfaucon, which may at first sight appear to refer to different subjects, but in reality they are closely connected, because city-gates were sometimes built in a style so ornate as to resemble triumphal arches.

  30. See Forcellini's Lexicon, sub vocabulis. Persius Sat. I, v. 4.

    Ne mihi Polydamaset Troïades Labeonem Praetulerint?

    v, the note of Isaac Casaubon, edit. Parisiis, 1615, p. 42, Illa aetate qui ab antiquo erant cives Romani et (Greek text) Trojanam originem affectabant: ut a faece novorum civium separarentur, qui a temporibus Julii Caesaris civitatem ac trìbum fuerant adepti. Ibid., v. 82, Trossulus exsultat tibi per subsellia levis? Juvenal, I, 99-101.

    Jubet a praecone vocari Ipsos Trojugenas; nam vexant limen et ipsi nobiscum.

    Id. VIII, 56, Dic mihi, Teucrorum proles: cf. ibid. 181 sq.

  31. In modem times some have endeavoured to rehabilitate this wicked man, but. we may apply to him what Lord Macaulay says of Barère, "By attempting to enshrine this Jacobin carrion, he (M. Hippolyte Carnot) has forced us to gibbet it; and we venture to say that, from the eminence of infamy on which we have placed it, he will not easily take it down." Essays reprinted in the Complete Works, vol. VII, p. 203.
  32. Pliny, Nat. Hist, edit. Sillig, lib. VII, cap. XXVIII, sect 29, §§ 104-106. He closes a long and glowing eulogium on the bravery of Sergius (justly called stupendous by Havercamp) with the following words: "Ceteri profecto victores hominum fuere, Sergius vicit etiam Fortunam."

    The name Silus is probably akin to (Greek text), flat-nosed; like many cognomina of Roman families, it indicated a personal peculiarity. Cicero, De Natura Deorum, lib. I, cap. XXIX, § 80 Ecquos (deos arbitramur) silos, flaccos, frontones, capitones, quae sunt in nobis? It is admitted that M. Sergius Silus was an ancestor of Catiline, but the degree of relationship seems doubtful; some say that he was proavus (great-grandfather), others place him further back as abavus, and even tritavus. This subject is discussed in Morell's Thesaurus Numismaticus: v. Familia Sergia, p. 385 sq. In reading this book care should be taken to distinguish the genuine from the spurious coins; the latter class are described under the heading Huberti Goltzii nummi consulares incertae fidei: e.g.. ibid. Sergia p. 620, aud Tab. XXXI, No. 16. Ab altera parte stat Cervus. Nummus est fictus et spurius. M. Babelon thinks that the Sergius in question was bisaïeul (great-grandfather) of Catiline, qui mit la république romaine à deux doigts de sa perte. Monnaies de Ih République Romaine, vol. II, p. 442. The coin above mentioned is the only one of the gens Sergia: Cohen, Médailles Consulairea, p. 294, Eclaircissements, p. 295, Plate XXXVII. Havercamp thinks that the "head of a conquered enemy" was that of a Carthaginian, but the long hair makes M. Babelon's supposition more probable, viz., that it was that of a Gaul. So Gallia Transalpina was called Comata (hairy), except Narbonensis (Bracata); on the other hand, Gallia Cisalpina, sumto Romanorum more, togata est appellata: Weise's note on Lucan, Pharsalis, I, 442 sq.,

    Et nunc tonse Ligur, quondam per colla decora Crinibu
    Crinibus effusis toti praelate Comatae.
  33. Sat III, 178 sq. —

                                   clari velamen honoris,
    Sufficiunt tunicae summis sedilibuas albae.

  34. Id. X, 100-102.
  35. Dictionnaire des Antiquités grecques et romaines, tome I, première partie, pp. 95-101, a series of elaborate articles, s.v. Aediles I. plebis, IL curules, III. ceriales. Coloniarum et municipiorum, fig». 138t 139, with many references, both ancient and modern, in the foot notes.
  36. See Casaubon's edition of Persius, p. 164; he quotes a passage from the Rudens of Plautus, in which the dramatist humorously compares Neptune to an aedile who rejects unsound articles exposed for sale. I give the text as edited by Ussing, 1875-86, Harniae, vol. V, p. 108, w. 367-371, Act II, Sc. 3, vv. 39-43.
    Ampelisca (mulier)
    itaque nos uentisque fluctibusque
    lactate exemplis plurumis miserae perpetuam noctem.

    * * * * *

                        Trachalio (servus)
    Noui, Neptunus ita solet. Quamuis fastidiosus
    Aedilis est; si quae improbae sunt merces, iactat omnis.

    Note, ibid p. 476, Aedilis, (Greek text), v. ad Captivos, 817. iactat, abjicit, cf. Lucilius ap. Ciceronem de Finibus, Il, 8, 24: "O lapathe, ut jactare." (which, however, Orelli explains differently). Comp. Lamcinus, Rudens loc. citat., edit. Plaut., Lutetiæ, 1577, note p. 942 D.

  37. There is some doubt about the exact date of this law, but it seems to have been passed B.C. 45. Cf. Cicero, ad Familiares, VI, 18, §1 Quaesivi e Balbo per codicillos, quid esset in lege. Rescripsit eos, qui facerent praeconium, vetari esse in decurionibus: qui fecissent, non vetari. It must not be confounded with the Lex. Julia de Civitate, B.C. 90, which extended the Roman citizenship to all Italy: Cicero, pro Balbo, c, 8, §21, quâ lege civitas est Sociis et Latinis data: Liddell, History of Rome, vol. I, p. 279.
  38. C.I.L., vol. I, pp. 119-125. This law was of the kind called satura, because it contained provisions relating to different matters, and so resembled satura sc. lanz, a dish filled with various kinds of fruit; hence also, food composed of various ingredients, —olla podrida, pot-pourri, hodge-podge, medley. Comp. Juvenal, I, 85 sq.

    Quidquid agunt homines, votum, timor, ira, voluptas,
    Gaudia, discursus, nostri est farrago libelli.

    Persius V, 77, — in tenui farragine mendax, v. the note of Isaac Caaaubon, Commentarius, p. 412.

    Id. I, 80, — quaerisne, unde haec sartago loquendi.

                                            Venerit in linguae?

    with Caaaubon's note, p. 121.

    The Lex Julia Municipalis has also a philological interest, on acccount of archaisms in the diction. One citation must suffice here. Lines 56-59, Quae viae in u(rbem) R(omam) sunt erunt... nequis inieis vieis post k(alendas) Januar(ias) | primas plostrum interdiu post solem ortum neve ante horam X diei ducito agito nisi quod aedium | sacrarum deorum immortalium caudsa aedificandarum operisve publice faciumdei causa advehei porta | ri oportebit, &c.

    Baedeker, French translation, edit 1877, p. 69 s.f., Italie Meridionale, Naples, Le Musée, Rez-de-chaussée, à droite Tables d'Héraclée. Murrays' Handbook for South Italy, 1862, p. 155, gives some additional particulars, and describes the Latin inscription as a fragment of the Lex Servilia: this is a mistake which I cannot account for.

  39. Archæological Journal, vol. XLVIII, p. 151, note 2, where references will be found to the Dict, of Antiqq., WUmann's Exempla Inscrr. Lat., and Daremberg et Saglio; the last named authors have also an article Duumvirales. " les citoyens qui avaient rempli dans la ville les fonctions de duumviri." The title corresponds with consulates frequent in Cicero, i.e., those who have held the office of consul at Rome, just as we speak of a past lord-mayor or president of any society. In the termination of such words we find a variation according to euphony, the recurrence of the lettera L or B being avoided. Comp. toral from torus, valance of a couch; Horace, Epistles I, 5, 22: calcar from calx, a spur, stimulus, incitement; Id. Epistles II, 1, 217 — etvatibus addere calcar. These substantivea were originaily neuter adjectives ending in ale or are, and afterwards the final E was dropped, as in the Italian mar, pittor etc. Cf. Key, Latin Grammar on the system of Crude Forms § 194, Suffixes of nouns neuter li and ri, and note *, § 225, Suffixes of adjectives (ali), (ari).
  40. Dict. of Antiqq., esp. s.v. Colonia I, 483. Both the aediles and the duumviri quinquennales are repeatedly mentioned in the bronze tablets, on which are engraved fragments of the laws of Salpensa and Malaca (Aes Salpensanum and Aes Malacitanum) that have thrown so much light on the internal administration of provincial towns. They were discovered in 1851: C.I.L., Hispania, pp. 253-262, nos. 1963, 1964. Monumentos Históricos Malacitanos by Dr. Manuel Rodriguez de Berlanga, Malaga, 1864, Nos. XVIII and XIX, Decretos Municipales, text with expansions of the abbreviations, supplements of the lacunae, and translations into Spanish. There are appended facsimiles of the inscriptions showing the forms of the letters, and coloured to imitate bronze, also copies in ordinary Roman capitals. Hübner, op. citat. 253, pays to Berlanga a well-merited tribute of commendation, Sumnia et paene incredibili diligentia quaecumque ad titulos Malacitanos... congeri potuerunt, congessit disposuit repetivit. Lithographs of these two Inscriptions were sent to the London Institution, the Royal Institution of Great Britain, the Royal Society and the Society of Antiquaries.

    Salpensa (Municipiurn Flavium) is supposed to be Facialcaxar, near Utrera, Utricula — a railway station on the line from Seville to Cadiz; Ford, Handbook for Spain, 1878, p. 327. This town wan south-east of Hispalis (Seville), and at,a considerable distance from Malaca (Malaga): see the excellent maps of ancient Spain, at the end of C.I.L., vol. citat., and esp. of Baetica. "duplici tabulae totius Hispaniae modulo descripta.' The name Vtricula, which I have quoted from Ford, is not to be found in Forcellini's Lexicon, Brunet's Dictionnaire de Geographie, nor in Smith's Dict, of Class, Geogr., nor does the word occur as a common noun.

  41. It is difficult to identify the person to whom Horace alludes here; some say that Menas, a freedman of Sextus Pompeius is meant; others, Vedius Rufus, a person entirely unknown: Horace, edit. Wickham. Clarendon Press Series, Preface to Epode IV, p. 336 sq.
  42. Mommsen in C.I.L., Gallia Cisalpina, Pt. I, p. 12, No. 50. Leg. XXIX... ex earum numero fuit, quae post belIurn Actiacum pace terra marique parta ante annum certe B.C. 727 exauctoratae sunt, ...ut hunc titulum non multo posteriorem esse constet. For lists of legions cf. Mommsen, Res gestae Divi Augusti ex Monumentis Ancyrano et Apolloniensi, 1865, pp.44-50, esp. pp. 46 and 49; and Cohen, Med. Imp., vol. I, p. 24 sq., s. Mare Autoine, Nos. 9-43.
  43. Cohen, op. citat, vol. I, p. 47, No. 39, Pl. IV, obv., legend IMP. CAESAR DIVI F. COS, VI LIBERTATIS P. R. VINDEX: rev. PAX La Paix debout à gauche, tenant un caducée; à côté d'elle, la ciste mystique d'où s'élance un serpent, le tout dans une couronne de laurier. Frappé en Asie... B.C. 28. See also p. 61, Nos. 182, 183, PACI PERP., PAX P.R.; the latter is engraved in plate IV.

    Being unable to procure the coins above mentioned, I exhibited a large brass of Nero, in good condition, bearing the legend PACE TERRA  MARIQ PARTA: Descriptive Catalogue of a Cabinet of Roman Imperial Large Brass Medals by Admiral Smyth, 1834, p. 43, Reverse, Temple of Janus. "The cornices, capitals, and indeed the whole detail of this edifice are so accurately delineated, and in such perfect preservation, that a statuary of Bedford made a beautiful model from it, in marble, to support the meridian-mark of a transit instrument, at Hartwell House."

    The subject may be illustrated by Milton's Ode on the Nativity, v. 51.

    "And, waving wide her myrtle wand, She strikes an universal peace through sea and land."

    Here the epithet universal seems like a translation of VBIQ., which occurs on some of Nero's medals, instead of TERRA MARIQ: Cohen, loc. citat, pp. 197-199, Nos. 178-189.

    Bishop Newton, in his edition, vol. Ill, p. 325, has the following note — "The expression is a little inaccurate, Peace to strike a peace: but otherwise it is classical, foedus ferire." We find also foedus icere; these phrases refer to the practice of sacrificing a victim when a compact was made. Virgil, Æneid, VIII, 840, Armati, Jovis ante aram, paterasque tenentes Stabant, et caesâ jungebant foedera porcâ.

    See Heyne's remarks on the last clause: Argumentum est multorum numorum, imprimis gentis Sulpiciæ, Veturiæ, Autestiae.

  44. I have already noticed the aplustre among the reliefs on the side of the Arch; it is an ornament on the stern of a ship "somewhat resembling the feathers of a bird's wing," and is well shown in Rich's Companion to the Latin Dictionary engraving, s.v.; for its relative position comp. that accompanying the preceding Article Aphractus (Greek text). See Baumeister, Denkmaler des Klassischeu Altertums, Art. Windgötter, Abbildung no. 2370, Die acht Hauptwinde in Athen, p. 2115, second column, Lips, Africtus, Südwest, "Er ist ale ein Jüngling heiter gebildet, mit beiden Händen den Schiffszierrat (aplustre) haltend. Hirt, Bilderbuch für Mythologie, Die Dämonen der Luft, § 6, p. 144, Tat XVII.

    In the Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, 2nd edition, s.v. Navis, p. 787, three examples are engraved; one is a figure of Neptune holding this ornament, as the personification of the Odyssey does in the Apotheosis of Homer. The third edition of the same work contains a very meagre notice of the subject, and these engravings are omitted. Baumeister has an excellent Article s.v. Seewesen, pp. 1593-1039, Abbildungen 1656-1697, written by Assmann. Both the text and the illustrations are far superior to anything of the kind that I have seen in our own language. Amongst the latter p. 1632, Abb, 1693, Prora von Samothrake (zu Seite 1631), is specially noteworthy; the original is now in the Louvre, and occupies, as it deserves, a conspicuous position at the top of a broad staircase. Without exaggeration, we may regard it as the best representation of an ancient galley that has been preserved to our own time. Victory appears standing on the prow of a vessel; the figure was found in 1863, and the pedestal in 1875. The fragments were carefully put together in Paris, and most probably belonged to the monument erected in the sanctuary of the Cabiri (Conybeare and Howson, Life and Epistles of St. Paul 8vo edition, vol. I, p. 337, note 4, references) by Demetrius Poliorcetes, to commemorate his victory at Salamis, in Cyprus, B.C. 306 — one of the most remarkable in ancient naval warfare — by which the fleet of Ptolemy was destroyed: Eckhel. Doct, Num. Vet, II, 119-122; Thirlwall, History of Greece, chap. LIX, vol. VII, p. 366, 8vo edition, It has been plausibly conjectured that the galley here represented is that of the Admiral who commanded the Macedonian fleet.

  45. Loc. citat, Igitur triumphalia ornamenta et illustria statuae honorem, et quidquid pro triumpho datur, multo verborum honore cumulata, decerni in senatu jubet, with Orelli's note and Index s.v. Triumphales — a word which occurs in Juvenal, Sat. 1, v. 129, where we must supply of statuae

    Atque triumphales, inter quas ausus habere Nescio quia titulos Ægyptius atque Arabarches.

  46. Ænona should not be confounded with Æmona — a Roman city on the site of Laybach in Carniola (Krain), on the route from Graz to Trieste. The removal of the Arch is parallel to what has occurred in our own Metropolis, for one of the buildings, formerly most conspicuous, which we owe to Sir Christopher Wren — Temple-Bar — now stands in Theobald's Park, on the borders of Middlesex and Hertfordshire. Similarly, at Saintes, the Roman Arch is now on the bank of the river Charente; previously it was on the bridge: Vide my Paper, The Antiquities of Saintes, Archæol. Journ., vol XLIV, p. 176, with engraving. Zara is famous in history on account of the siege by the French and Venetian Crusaders; at present it is known as producing the liqueur Maraschino, which Gibbon pronounces incomparable.
  47. Mr. T. G. Jackson in his book entitled Dalmatia, the Quarnero and Istria with Cettigne in Montenegro and the Island of Grado, vol. I, p. 247, Bays, "there was a handsome market-place adorned with statues, formed at the cost of about 600,000 sesterces." The translation is incorrect, and invalidates the inscription, as suggesting the similar position of statues on the arch of the Sergii at Pola. However, for architectural details, especially of the Byzantine period, both the text and engravings of this work will be found most useful.
  48. Exceptions were made in favour of the nearest relatives and persons whose property was below a certain amount. Analogies in English law will occur to every reader.
  49. This tax was a new one, imposed by Augustus, vide Dictionary of Antiquities), p. 24, 1st column. Suetonius, Life of Augustus, chap. 49, aerarium militare cura vectigalibus novis insti tuit. Monumentum Ancyranum, edit. Mommsen, p. 44, and especially, p. 45. Collata autem cum minime sufficerent primum vicesima hereditatium instituta est, mox addita centesima rerun venalium aliaque milia tributa, Bumtusque praeterea reliqui quoad fieri potuit imminuti.
  50. Taormina (Tauromenium) in Sicily supplies a good instance for comparison; there the theatre is on a height still more elevated,and near the sea. Proximity to Messina makes it very accessible.
  51. Professor Middleton, Ancient Rome in 1885, pp. 302-827, gives an excellent account of the Coliseum; p. 302, "in the  lowest part of the valley;" p. 314, note, "drainage of the hollow;" pp. 323-326 and Plate, "cages for beasts:" cf. Dict, of  Antt. 3rd edit. s.v. Amphitheatrum, vol. I, p. 115, "method of raising wild beasts."
  52. The inequality of surface caused the erection of only one row of arcades on the eastern Bide, while on the opposite wide, facing the bay, there was a double tier with an additional story above.
  53. One of the best illustrations will be found in a work where we should not expect it, at least from the title, viz, in Stuart and Revett's Antiquities of Athens, folio, vol. IV, 1816. The numerous plates, nos. I-XIV will repay careful study, giving a general view, on a large scale, of the Amphitheatre, and many details: e.g., Plate XIII, fig. 1, Plan C C, holes in the plinth to admit the posts of the velum. On the other hand some of the opinions ex pressed in this work aeem to be incorrect. Stuart says that not improbably the building was erected by Diocletian or Maximin. This was a period of great architectural activity, because the Roman Emperiors tried to conciliate the Provincials on the Northern and Western frontiers by the construction of edifices that would promote their pleasure or convenience: hence the date assigned by Stuart is plausible. However, more recent antiquaries have not accepted his conclusion, but, in default of evidence from ancient authors and inscriptions, infer from examination of the Amphitheatre itself that it belongs to the Antonine age, circa A.D. 150.

    Some suppose that the stairs in the towers were used by work people employed to manipulate the awning: Illustr: Führer dutch Triestund Umgebungen, p. 69 sq.

  54. The seats were divided: Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. Amphitheatrum, Vol. I, p. 246, Les gradina étaient en bois, en pierre ou en marbré. Chaque place était nuémérotée à Pompei, et était limitée par deux traits gravés dans la pierre à Pola. So at Aqincum (Alt-Ofen, near Buda-Pest) I saw stone benches, sedilia, marked with the names of the proprietors: Professor Torma, kz Aquincumi Amphitheatrum, p. 52, sq. and Plate XII at the end of the Volume; and ibid. p. 50 (woodcut), and p. 58, Nos. of seats [X]III XIIII XV XV[I].

    Besides gladiatorial combats, naval battles (Naumachiae) were exhibited in the arena, and arrangements for this purpose are still visible. The Amphitheatre is calculated to have held 20,000 to 26,000 spectators. Illustrirter Führer durch Triest, Triest, op. citat., includes Pola at the southern extremity of Istria, distant several hours' sail from Trieste: pp. 61-78, with eight engravings and a map.

  55. For the position of the Amphitheatre and its surroundings see Notizie Storiche di Pula, Parenzo 1876, Indice delle Tavole, alter the Table of Contents.
    Forma urbis Polae.
    Forum polense. Theatrum.
    Pertica Agri colonici Polensium.

    The first plate shows the Amphitheatre  between the Via a Parentio and the Via ad Albonam.

  56. Archaol. Journ., vol. XL, p. 31, vol. XLIII, p. 96.
  57. The Porta Gemina is called Giovia in the Forma Urbis Polae; the Inscription is given in extenso in the Notiz. Stor. S. 129, Article from the Conservatore by Dr. Pietro Kandler — mentioned above as a great authority for the Antiquities of Istria — N. 822 — A. 1871. Aquedotto, Anno 160-170. I copy the last four lines, which are the most important.

    AQVAM • AVG • IN • SVPERIOREM
    PARTEM • COLONIAE • ET• IN • INFERIOREM
    INPENSA • SVA • PERDVXIT • ET lN • TVTELAM
    RIVS • DEDIT • HS • OOOO

  58. The Rev. J. M. Neale, Notes Ecclesie logical and Picturesque on Dalmatia, &c., p. 85: "Sir Humphry Davy thought Pola harbour one of the most glorious views in the world. And marvellously beautiful it is. To our left rose the three tiers of the amphitheatre, of snow-white marble, but then reflecting the redness of a cloudless May evening. White cottage and tall spire gleamed here and there from the thick foliage of the Istrian Hills."

  59. Apart from the situation, the contrast between these two cities is very striking, if we look to their present condition. Pola, whose population at the end of the 18 th century declined to about 800, in the year 1886 had nearly 80,000 inhabitants; and its advance in prosperity has kept pace with the numbers, as the traveller may infer from the magnificent buildings that adorn the quays. But the reader can understand the progress that has been made without the trouble of going to the place; he has only to compare two engravings appended to "Pola seine Vergangenheit, Gegenwart und Zukunft, Eine Stadie," Wien 1887; Tafel. ii. showing Pola in the beginning of the 19th century, Taf. ii. in the year 1886. The same publication contains Taf. i. Pola zur Zeit de Römer, Nach Kandler; and Taf. iv. Plan der Stadt 1886, (Greek text) 1:7200 d.N., and Pola im Jahre 1886, 1:6912, with Zeichen-Erklärung.
  60. Thos. Hodgkin, Italy and her Invaders, index at the end of vol. iv., s.v. Aquileia; but see especially vol. iii. chap. vi. pp. 196-245, The Death Grapple. It has been truly remarked that the grand outlines of this story have been sketched by Gibbon; see edit Sir Wm. Smith, vol. iv. pp. 230-241, text and notes by the author and Dean Milman, for the invasion by  Attila; and ibid vol. v. pp. 7-10 for Theodoric, and the three defeats of Odoacer; but Mr. Hodgkin has filled up these outlines, aud presented the subject to us in its various ramifications. From his work I quote one passage, as especially suitable for our present purpose: vol iii. p. 210, At the eleventh mile-stone from Aquileia (ad Undecimum) the host reached the confluence of the river Frigid us with the Sontius (Isonzo). South-westwards, in the sea-like plain, rose the ghastly ruins of Aquileia, over which nearly forty years of desolation had passed. No fleets of merchantmen lined her broken wharves; no workman's hammer resounded in her ruined Mint; the Baths, the Amphitheatre, the Forum were all silent.

    The foundation of cities upon these islands has been repeatedly noticed by Ruskin, e.g., Stones of Venice, edit 8vo., 1853, vol. i., p. 349, Appendix I. Extract from an old chronicler, De Monaci ed. Venetiis, 1758, Lib. i. God, who punishes the sins of men by war-sorrows... moved the chief men of the cities of the Venetian province both in memory of past and in dread of future distress to establish states upon the nearer islands of the Adriatic, to which, in the last necessity, they might retreat for refuge. Ibid. vol. ii. pp. 12, 19, Torcello.

  61. Neale, op. citat. p. 68, speaking of the Cathedral at Capo d'Istria says. The tower, tall, thin, and ending in a prolonged pyramid, is merely a poor copy of that adjoining S. Mark's at Venice. This remark will apply equally well to many other churches on the northern coasta of the Adriatic.
  62. Neale, ibid. p. 46 sq. gives two inscriptions relating to the consecration of the Cathedral. The former is modern, brief, and unimportant — the latter much longer and worth studying. It contains the name of Poppo and an exact date, beginning thus, ANNO DOMCÆ ICARNATOIS MXXXI... CON8TRVCTV || CONSECRATV A HOC TEMPLVM. Here we find mention of twelve associate Bishops coepiscopi, a word which occurs in Jerome, Augustin and other writers: v. ForceilinI's Lexicon, edit. De. Vit, s.v., and cf. coepiscopatus, with reference to Augustin, ep. 31.

    At p. 45 there is a short sketch of the ecclesiastical history of Aquileia, from the preaching of St. Mark, whose disciple, Hermachoras, is said to have been the first bishop, down to recent times. The chief event in the whole period is the schism that lasted 141 years, A.D. 657-698.

  63. L'Istria, Note Storiche di Carlo De Franceschi pp. 97-99, capitolo xvii, Donazioni al Patriarcato d' Aquileja ed ai Vescovati; pp. 113-120, capitolo xix, L'Istria sotto i Patriarchi df Aquileja. Patriarca Volchero. This prelate did not hesitate to employ force, when the weapons of his spiritual armoury failed to produce the mundane results which he desired. P. 114. Il Patriarca, avverso ai Veneziani, mal comportava che i novelli suoi sudditi istriani pagassero tributi ai medesimi, e lo vietò loro sotto minaccia di scomunica e guerra. Alcune città si sottomisero ai suoi ordini, altre non vollero riconoscerne l'autorità. Egli dapprima lanciò su queste la scomunica; ma non producendo essa alcun effetto, spedì contro i ricalcitranti il conte Engelberto III. di Gorizia con un esercito. See also cc. xx.-xxxiii, the last chapter includes Cessazione del dominio temporale dei Patriarchi.
  64. The reader might expect to find a copious account of this edifice in Dr. Neale's work quoted above, as it is specially devoted to ecclesiology. But it is omitted, because the author had not received a ground plan. This deficiency may be supplied by consulting Mr. T. G. Jackson's book, Dalmatia, the Quarnero and Istria, 1887, vol iii., pp. 394-403, plates lxiv. and lxv.
  65. Many chemists have been eminent antiquaries, and it would be well for the classical traveller to bear this fact in mind. As examples, I may mention that the late M. Duquénelle formed a valuable collection of coins which he bequeathed to the museum at Reims, and M. Caspari at Avenches in Switzerland was the best local authority for the discoveries made there. Archaeol. Journ. 1885, xlii. 212, 214. In our country, Mr. Roach Smith, who followed the same occupation, was inferior to none of his contemporaries in knowledge of Romano-British remains, though he had not the verbal scholarship which is indispensable to the epigraphist.
  66. Herodian, who flourished in the third century after Christ, in his account of the siege of Aquileia by Maximin, lib. viii., cap. 2, p. 154, edit Bekker, says, *(Greek text)". Ibid. cap. 3 the historian mentions a rumour that the local deity Belenus, identified with Apollo, frequently appeared in the air fighting for the city, (Greek text). This passage is well illustrated by an inscription, found in or about 1861, no. 4, p. 2, Dr. Carlo Gregorutti, Le Antiche Lapidi di Aquileia Iscrizioni inedite 4to 1877
    ...LLIN. BELEN (Apollini Beleno)
    ...QVILEIENISIS (G. Aquilejensis)
    ...TVS. IIIIII. VIR (Auctus)
    ...LIAE. COACTOR (Juliae Coactor)
    ...NTARIVS. D.D.  (Argentarios)

    Gregorutti thinks that the dedicator was a freedman of the municipality of Aquileia, who had entered the service of the Empress Julia.

    Coactor is a collector of money; Horace speaks of his father as belonging to this class, Sat. i. 6, 86.

    Si praeoo parvas aut, ut fuit ipse, coactor
    Mercedes sequerer.

    V. note edit. Macleane; and in Suetonius (vita Horatii) he is called exactionum coactor.

  67. Virgil, Æneid viii 696.

    Regimi in mediis patrio vocat agmina sistro. The poet perhaps describes Cleopatra at the battle of Actium as using the rattle for a war trumpet, Conington in his note cites Propertius, iv., 11, 48 ausa... Romanamque tu barn crepitanti pellere sistro; but in the present case a passage in Persi us, Sat. v. 186 is more apposite — cum sistro lusca sacerdos.

    Illustrations from monuments are abundant; Cohen, Les Monnaies frappées sous l'Empire Romain, Tome ii., deuxième edn., 1882, p. 114. Adrien. No. 110, Rev AKGYPTOS, A.C., L'Egvpte couchée à gauche tenant un sistre, le bras gauche posé sur un panier plein de fruits ou d'épis; devant elle, un ibis debout sur un cippe. Sir J. Gardner Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians, vol. i., pp. 316, 322-327, Woodcuts Nos. 230-285, showing sistra in the British and Berlin Museums, with reff. to Plutarch and other ancient authors. Baumeister, Denkmaler des Klassischen Altertums Band iii., p. 1663, Mit den Mysterien der Isis wurde auch das Sistrum in Rom bekannt. Abbildung 812, Band i., p. 761, Isis in röhnischen Kostùm — eine marmorstatue aus dem Vatican, ergànzt nach dem gewöhnlichen Typus mit der Klapper und dem Wasserkruge.

  68. The Fabian tribe also occurs at Aquileia; Gregorutti, p. 54, No. 122, now in the museum at Trieste. "Scoperta nel, 1860, nella laguna di Grado, presso il Montarono (isoletta) dirimpetto al palazzo Panigai.

    C'CASTRICIVS
    C.F
    FABIA.CELBR

    This tribe is included in the list of the earliest seventeen rustic tribes, known to us from texts and inscriptions: Dict, of Antt: 3rd Edn., vol. ii., p. 880, 2nd. column. Suetonius, Life of Augustus, cap. 40, vol. I., p. 275, edit. Baumgarten-Crusius Fabianis et Scaptiensibus, tribulibus suis, die comitiorum, ...singula millia nummûm a se dividebat. v. the note in loco. The name Fabia comes from a patrician gens; Velina on the other band is derived from the river Velinus in the country of the Sabines. Livy, Epitome XIX., Duae tribus adjectae sunt. Velina et Quirina, A.U.C. 513. The other tribes mentioned in Aquileian inscriptions are ANIES.Gregorutti, p. 38, No. 81; and STE, ibid., p. 39, No. 82. The former is abbreviated from Aniensis, the N being omitted, as often happens elsewhere: De Vit. Onomast, s.v., tribus una ex rusticis in agro Tiburtino per quern Anio (Teverone) defluit, unde illi nomen factum... A.C. 299. Livy x, 9, tribusque additae duae Aniensis ac Teretina, van lect. Terentina, v. Weissenborn in loco. The latter, Stellatina, is so called from a district near the city Capena in Southern Etruria; it must not be confounded with Stelatis Campus, which seems to have adjoined the Falernus ager in Campania: Smith Dict. Gr. and Rom. Geogr. 8.v.; Article by Sir E. H. Bunbury. Livy vi., 5, fin. (an important passage) Tribus quattuor ex novis civibus additae: Stellatina Tromentina Sabatina Arniensis; eseque viginti quinque tribuum numerum explevere.

  69. Compare Guida Manuale dello I. R. Museo dello Stato in Aquileia, compilata da Enrico Maionica i.r. Professore e Conservatore, Aquileia, 1884, p. 23, Sala ii., Parete B, No. *37. Interessante iscrizione di certo Restutus, che venuto dall' Africa per vedere le meraviglie d'Aquileja quivi morì e fu sepolto a spese d'un pio sodalizio: (Greek text) Collezione dello Stato. Corp. Inscrr. Lat. Gallia Cisalpina, part i., p. 159, No. 1703.

    HIC LACET ResTVTVS PELEGER IN PACE
    FIDELIS

    Ibid, under the heading MCN.AQVILEIA, pp. 78-83, §§i-xxxi., Mommsen gives an account of the authorities for this subject, from the fifteenth century down to our own time; and p. 83 sq., a history of the city. The section on Museums is necessarily incomplete, as the volumes in the Corpus for Gallia Cisalpina were publiahed in 1877, and the I. R. Museo at  Aquileia was opened August 3rd. 1882: Catalogue, op. citat., p. 5.

  70. So the Authorised Version; the words are called will not be found in the Greek, 1 Corinthians, i., 23, (Greek text). And though the revised Version retains them, it has a marginal note; Or, have part therein. Alford translates "that not many of you are wise according to the flesh," and quotes Olshausen. "The ancient Christians were for the most part slaves and men of low station," &c.

    Raphael Fabretti, Inscriptionum antiquarum quae in aedibus paternis asservantur explicatio, Romae, 1699, p. 545. cap. viii. Monumenta Christianorum, No. ii., calls attention to incorrect spelling, pseudographia, in three words that occur together — BIDVHE CASTISSIME FEMINE: and refers to two similar instances in Aringhi. Roma Sotterranea, To., pag. 291; and To. ii. pag. 263. In the former QVE stands for QVAE; the latter is very brief — EROS HILAMAN BIDVE FECIT (not HILARE, as Fabretti has printed it).

    This writer must not be confounded with Ariodante Fabretti, author of the Corpus Inscriptionum Italicarum antiquioris aevi et Glossarium Italicum, Augustae Taurinorum (Turin) 1867, large 4to, 2110 columns; a very important work, which also contains lviii plates of inscriptions, and engravings, especially of coins, intercalated in the text.

  71. See the notice of the Galleria Lapidaria in Murray's Handbook for Rome, Sect i., § 26, Palaces — Vatican Museum, and ibid. Lateran Museum. Mr. Hodder Westropp, Handbook of Archaeology, p. 398, following De Rossi, says, "One of the leading peculiarities of these (Christian) inscriptions is the frequent disregard of the usual rules of grammar, and the tendency to the corruption of words," &c., and appends some examples.
  72. Sat. vi., 553-591 is a locus classic us for astrology; v. Ruperti's explanatory commentary, and Heinrich's Erklaerung. Gifford in his translation, Vol. i., p. 269, edit. 1817, note on v. 828, appositely quotes Ammianus Marcellinus, for the historian uses almost the same words as the poet who wrote alwut 300 years earlier, lib. xxviii., cap 4, §24, p. 416, edit. Eyssenhardt. Multi apud eoe negantes esse superas potestates in caelo, nec in publico prodeunt nec prandent nec lavari arbitrantur se cautius posse, antequam ephemeride scrupulose sciscitata didicerint, ubi sit verbi gratia signum Mercurii, vel quotam cancri sideris partem polum discurrens optineat luna. Ammianus is here describing the vices and follies that prevailed at the beginning of the fifth century. The whole passage is translated and annotated bv Gibbon, Decline and Fall, chap, xxxi. vol. iv., pp. 77-83, edit Sir Wm. Smith. Tacitus Histories, i., 22, infidum hominum genus &c. (i.e. Mathematici). Conybeare and Howson, Life and Epistles of St Paul, edit 8vo, vol. i., p. 153, esp. note 5, Chrysostom complains that even Christians, in his day, were led away by this passion for horoscopes. See Hom. iv. on 1 Cor.; ibid. pp. 178-180, reff.

    A numismatic illustration is supplied by a bronze coin of Antioch, showing a ram (constellation Aries) with star and crescent: Müller-Wieseler, Denkmäler der alten Kunat, pt. i., p. 42, Taf. xlix., No. 220a, Auf dem Revers der Widder, als das Hinimelszeichen, unter welchem Antioch gegründet worden. Obv. ANTIOXEΩN; Rev. (Greek text) ΔqP=194, d.i. [147 und.] 146 n. Chr.-die Angabe des Jahres nach Antiochenischer Aera, in welchem die Münze geschlagen. B. V. Head, Historia Numorum, A Manual of Greek Numismatics, Antiochia ad Orontem, p. 657, § (iv.)

  73. The vestibule (atrio) of the Museum at Aquileia contains many Christian sepulchral stones, inscribed with Greek or Latin characters, Catalogue, pp. 9-12. Comp. p. 10, No. 19, Iscrizione d'Eutichius coll'immagine di due colombe e rami d'ulivo. C. I. L. Gallia Cisalp., vol. i., No. 1649: ibid. p. 27, No. *95, Interessante lapide sepolcrale del sacerdote Moschas Eutyeches, che visse oltre 110 anni, a lui dedicata dal suo successore Flavius Eutytches, C. I. L. Gall. Cisalp. vol. ii„ No. 8294, and Gregorutti, p. 20 sq., No. 48, and p. 248.

    In antiquity many persons bore the name of Eutyches, or one like it. We find among them a gem-engraver, a sculptor and a grammarian: see Smith's Dict. of Greek and Roman Biography; but the most famous seems to have been an ecclesiastic in the fifth century, author of the Eutychiàn heresy concerning the nature of our Lord, whose followers were called Monophysites; Gibbon, Chap. xlvii., vol vi., p. 24 sq., edit Smith.

    Pape, Wörterbuch der griechischen Eigennamen, p. 427, sq., s.v., (Greek text)  gives varieties; Vgl (Greek text).

    Eutychides, whose name is a patronymic formed from the preceding, was a celebrated sculptor of Sicyon and a disciple of Lysippus; to him we owe the allegorical statue of Antioch, a female figure wearing a mural crown, holding ears of corn, and seated on a rock (Mount Silpius), with the river Orontes as a youth at her feet: Denkmaler, loc. citat. No. 200, (Greek text).

  74. Tauchira is marked in the Table of Peutinger, South-West of Crete, edit Mannert, Segmentum viii. D.: Dr. Konrad Miller in his edition has added modern names. Herodotus, Melpomene, iv., 171, edit, Baehr,, (Greek text); note, nunc appellali dicunt Terkera, Trocare, Trochera: Rawlinson's Translation, vol. iil, p. 149, note 6, where ruins are mentioned.
  75. See my Paper on the Roman Antiquities of Augsburg and Ratisbon, Archaeol. Journ, 1891, vol. xlviii., p. 149 sq.; it contains some remarks on the representation of a cask (cupa) in the Maximilian's Museum.
  76. According to others the cross indicated that the deceased was employed in making this instrument of punishment for slaves.
  77. Quos per flagitia invisos vulgus Christianos appellabat. See the note of Lipsius, No. 84, p. 279. in his edition of Tacitus, Antverpiae, M.DC.VII., Sive, Chretianos, ut scripsêre per inscitiam illi, and comp. Suetonius, Claudius, c. 25, Judaeos, impulsore Chresto assidue tumultuantes, Româ expulit. Tertullian, Apologeticum, cap. iii. edit. Oehler, tom. i, p. 125, Christianus vero, quantum interpretatio est, de unctione deducitur. Sed et cum perperam Chrestianus pronuntiatur a vobis (nam nec nominis certa est notitia penes vos), de suavitate vel benignitate compositum est v. apparatus criticus and explanatory notes in loco, also Dean Plumptre's Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles, p. 191, Cassell's edition for schools, note on chap. xit v. 26. Lactantius, Divinae Institutiones, lib. iv.. cap. vii, De nomine Filii; atque unde Jesus et Christus appellatur, edit. Le Brun et Dufresnoy, t. i., p. 287. Sed exponenda hujus nominis (Christus) ratio propter ignorantium errorem, qui eum immutatâ iitterâ Chrestum solent dicere, v. footnote and p. 660. Pape, op. citat. s.v., (Greek text): Corp. Inscrr. Graec. vol. iv. No. 9288, Vs. 8 Pars. xl., Inscrr. Christianae. 'Iifrav Xp*un49 fkrfrfki rm ypdtyarrt iravoucL Meli in Catacombis Chnatianorum anno 1844 repertis.
  78. May 13th, 1875, Proceedings, second series, vol. vi., pp. 387-390; see esp. p. 389, reference to Zehetmajer. Lexicon Etymologicum Comparativum, s.v. De Vit, in his edition of Forcellini's Lexicon, cites Orelli's Inscriptions, vol. ii, p. 441, no. 5048, SI QVIS || EVM TITUL. ADVLTERAVRIT (sic) ALIENIGENVM. CORP. AVT. OSSA. AVT. CINERES II IN HOC MONVM.INFERRE VOLENS; and gives various forms of the word titolus, tetulus, tetalus, titelus, titlus by syncope, (Greek text) in St. John's Gospel, xix., 19, 20 (title on the Cross of our Lord), also titulum in the neuter gender. Raphael Fabretti, Inscrr., p. 8, No. xlvii, Ossa sub hoc tumulo pia sunt... Amphio mi frater hoc titulum posuit.

    If any one will take the trouble to read through De Vit's article he will see the great and numerous improvements which he has made on his predecessors. The English edition of Forceilini does not give either differences in orthography, or the meaning as equivalent to monumentum. De Vit, as usual, has availed himself of recent authorities; in this instance be refers to De Rossi, Le Blant, and others.

  79. The frequent recurrence of Fortuna on coins is shown by the Table des Lógendes des Revers in Cohen's Médailles Impériales, Supplement vol. vii., p. 452 sq., where the list of examples occupies more than a page, and contains the epithets felix, manens, redux, &c. We have a proof here of the importance the Romans attached to good fortune; so Cicero, in his Oration pro lege Manilia, chap, xvi., specially recommends Pompey on account of his felicitas and egregia fortuna. Comp. Hirt, Bilderbuch fur Mythologie, p. 110, Die glücklicheu, erfreulichen und behaglichen Zustände und Ereignisse wurden haüfig personificirt, besonders auf Münzen. The representations of this deity on the coins of the gens Rustia are very remarkable; they are well described by M. Ernest Babelon in his Monnaies de la République Romaine, tome ii., p. 411 sq., with plates intercalated in the text. No. 2, Q. RVSTIVS, heads of Fortuna victrix, helmeted, and Fortuna felix, diademed, facing each other, infra PORTVNAE; No. 3, conjugated busts of the same goddesses upon a pedestal ending on each side in a ram's head; Fortuna victrix holds a patera; legend, Q. RVSTIVS FORTVNAE ANTIAT (Antiates).

    Cf. Horace, Odes i., 35, 1, 0 diva gratum quae regis Antium, and the engraving in Milman's edition. Probably Martial refers to the subject of this device, Epigrams, v., 1, 3.

    Seu tua veridicae discunt responsa sorores.
    Plana suburbani qua cubat unda freti.

    This explanation, which Paley and Stone in their edition of Martial, p. 138, are inclined to reject, seems to be confirmed by Suetonius, Caligula, chap. 57, Monuerant et Fortunae Àntiatinae, ut "a Cassio caveret."

    Tacitus, Ann, iii, 71; Orelli's Inscrr., Nos. 1738-1740.

    The ram's head is supposed to be derived from some tradition in the gens Ruttia. Millin, Oalerie Mythologique, vol. i, p. 90, no. 359, pi. lxxiL (Explication des Planches), and ibid. p. 210, says that the two Fortunes on the coin hold dolphins, which he accounts for by reference to the maritime commerce of Antium, but he is altogether mistaken. Nor has Addison been successful in his interpretation: Remarks on several parts of Italy, Tonson's edition of his works, 1765, vol iv.f p, 190 sq. Cf. Morell, Thesaurus Numismaticua, Tom ii., Familiae Romanae, p. 368 sq. Tab Rustia, No. ii.

  80. This phrase occurs on a large brass of Nero: PACE P. R. TERRA MARI Q. PARTA IANVM CLVSIT S.C. Eckhel, Doct. Num. Vet vol. vi. pp. 273-275; Admiral Smyth, Descriptive Catalogue of Roman Imperial Medals, p. 43. Cicero, in CatIlinam, ii., c, 5, §11. Omnia sunt externa unius (i.e. Pompeii) terra marique pacata.
  81. (Greek text) is a kind of antelope, so called from its large bright eyes, ^piropai, Miopica, Liddell & Scott, s.v.; Herodotus, Melpomene, iv., 192, has a differeut form (Greek text), but one MS. reads (Greek text); v. Baehr's note in loco.
  82. It had been proposed to read "ex profetiione tectorum' or "ex Regione Roticeorbum." With reference to the latter interpretation Gregorutti remarks, "nome geografico del tutto sconosciuto," Le Antiche Lapidi di Aquileia, p. 208.

    See the Appendix to this Paper, Archaeol. Journ., 1890, vol, xlvii, p. 395 sq. Dr. Joseph von Hefner, Das Riimiaehe Bayern in seinen Schrift-und Bildmalen, Dritte Auflage, Index p. 363, Exaquilifero, Exbeneficiario, &c.

  83. The first volume contains ninety-six plates, see esp. Römische Sculpturen; Waffen, Grabeteine, Heft iii., Tafel 7; Heft iv., Taf. 6; Heft vi., Taf. 6; Heft vii, Taf. 5; Heft viii., Taf. 6; Heft ix„ Taf. 4; Heft x., Taf. 5; Heft xi, Taf. 6.
  84. Comp. the story of the prisoner Sinon in Virgil,Æneid, ii, 57, Ecce, manus juvenem interea poet terga revinctum Pastores magno ad regem clamore trahebant Dardanidae: and v. Naville, The Store-City of Pithom, &c., p. 15, PI. vi; Wilkinson, Anc. Egyptians, i, 396.

    Cohen explains well the famous medal of Titus that commemorates the conquest of Jerusalem, vol. i., pi. xvi, No. 194, p. 364, reverse, IVD. CAP., Palmier; à gauche, une Juive en pleurs, assise sur des armes; à droite, un Juif debout, les mains liées derrière le dos, &c. Ibid. Domitian, pl. xvii., No. 351, p. 429, REV. GERMANIA CAPTA; the device is similar, but a trophy stands between two figures.

  85. Eckhel, op. citat. vol. vii, pp. 418-420, remarks on her coins, nihil tamen hi (numi) ad historiam memorandum continent praeter nomina. Good phototype copies, from plaster casts, of two aurei may be seen in the catalogue of the Vicomte Ponton d'Amécourt's Collection, published by MM. Rollin et Feuardent, 1887, p. 79, No. 528 sq.

    Observe here the fashion of dressing the hair in wavy lines — very different from that lofty, unbecoming head-dress which prevailed under Trajan and Hadrian, and is shown by the medals of Plotina, Marciana, Matidia and Sabina: Juvenal, Sat vi, 502 sq., altum Ædificat caput. Comp. Böttiger's Sabina oder Morgenszenen im Putzzsimmer einer reichen Römerin, vol i., p. 164. This style soon passed away, as we know it was not adopted by Faustina, Senior or Junior. On the other hand, Salonina, wife of Gallienus, Emperor 260-268 A.D., has her hair arranged in much the same manner an Julia Domna, wife of Septimius Severus, Emperor 193-211 A.D.

  86. We cannot be surprised that Salonina's name was effaced because she was the consort of a luxurious, profligate and unpopular tyrant (Gibbon, chap, i, vol i., p. 407 sq. ed. Smith), who perished by assassination; Trebellius Pollio, in the Augustan History, edit. Peter, xxiii., c. 16, delineates his character, "natus abdomini et voluptatibus, dies ac noctes vino et stupria perdidit." For Salonina, v. ibid., c. 21, §3.

    The practice of erasure was common in Egypt; Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. iii, p. 281 sq., mentions a king having erased a name and introduced his own in its stead; v. Plate on p. 280, No. 381, figs. 5, 6, at Chenoboscion. a has been cut over d. Vaux, Handbook to the Antiquities of the British Museum, p. 309, Egyptian Saloon, No. 61, Statue of a Monarch, "The name on the belt has been erased." Similarly, No. 26, the name of the god Set or Typhon has been obliterated.

  87. Romae rep. "cum statua Spei, Semnes faciem monstrantis." Orelli, Inscrr., vol. ii., p. 294, No. 4,456, with reff. to Zoëga. Marini and Uhden, and note 1); cf. ibid., p. 312. No. 4, 585; Raphael Fabretti, p. 267, ix.
  88. "Who the architect of the Colosseum was is unknown; the sepulchral inscription which was found in the catacomb of S. Agnese, which has been popularly supposed to show that a Christian named Gaudeutius was its architect, does not refer to the Colosseum at all, and does not even say that Gaudentius was an architect."
  89. See the beautiful and elaborate frontispiece to Marci Velseri Matthaei F. Ant. N. Patricii. Aug. Vind. Rerum Augustanar. Viudelicar. Libri octo, mdxciv., and lib. iv., pp. 71-78, and ibid. Monumenta Augustae Vincd., p. 205, with engravings.
  90. Mr. Roach Smith, Illustrations of Roman London, pp. 68-7, plates xv.-xix., gives an account of some works of art, executed in a superior style, which were found near London Bridge, in 1837, during an excavation of the bed of the Thames for the purpose of rendering the river more navigable; amongst them was a figure of Atys, represented in two aspects, pi. xix. He wears a Phrygian cap, and carries boughs heavily laden with fruit, emblems of his prolific power. For the same reason his dress is thrown open in front The worship of Atys and Cybele is described by Preller, Lee Dieux de l'ancienne Rome, p. 484 sq. f Lea Fètes de la Magna Mater et d'Attis (cf. O.T., I. Kings xviii., 28); see also his Griechische Mythologie, vol. i.9 pp. 508-511.
  91. The details of this engraving are explained by Böttiger, op. citat., vol ii., pp. 255-257, Erklärung dar Kupfertafeln zur achten Szene. We have a similar subject in the British Museum, The visit of Bacchus to Icarius. The latter site upon a couch... in front of him stands a tripod table bearing a cantharus or two-handled drinking cup and fruit cakes. Sir H. Ellis, Townley Marbles, vol. ii., pp. 140-145; cf. Spon, Miscellanea Eruditae Antiquitatis, p. 310, pi. xviii.
  92. He well deserved the title we find on the reverse of his coins, rbsttpvtor rbip ublicae. Cohen,!! édailles Imperiale*, voi. vi, pp. 898-400, Noe. 19-27; vol. vii., Supplement, p. 401, No. 1.
  93. Since writing the text of this memoir I visited Budapest and the remains of Aquincum, in the neighbourhood, a few miles higher up the Danube. As the local antiquaries maintain that there was a mint at Aquincum, it has occurred to me that the abbreviation SMAQ might refer to this city, the first two letters, AQ, being the same as in Aquileia. Moreover, we know that Valentinian I. was not only a native of Pannonia, but also personally conducted military operations against the Quadi, who lived on the north bank of the Danube, and died at Bregetio, which is East of Comorn. These circumstances at least make it probable that he should strike money in this province. I do not know whether any numismatist has anticipated my conjecture concerning the attribution of the above mentioned denarius: of course, it would be desirable to ascertain the provenance of coins bearing AQ in the legend in order to decide the question.

    See Tillemont, Histoire des Empereurs. vol. v., Valentinien I., art. xxi., p. 53, Forts bastis sur le Danube; esp. xxxi., pp. 72-74, Ravage les pays des Quades. His embankment at Alta Ripa, near the junction of the Neckar with the Rhine, has been noticed in the Archaeol. Journ. loc. ci tat., p. 398. Gibbon, chap. xxv., vol. iii., p. 289 sq. edit Smith.

  94. La Zecca de' Patriarchi d'Aquileia, Studio di Alberto Puschi, Trieste, 1884, Estratto dal Progr. del Ginnasio Com. sup. 1883-1884. Engravings of coins on pp. 26,27, 29, 30, 39, 45, 52.59, esp. the first four. Promia on the coins of Aquileia.

    Monsr. V•J. Vaillant pointed out to me that the appearance of bifurcation is produced by wearing the mitre transversely.

    Friesach is a small town close to the frontier of Styria, North of Klagenfurt the capital of Carinthia, and a railway station on the line from Bruck to Villach. Baedeker, Süd-Deutachland und Österreich, p. 438, edit 1876, with accompanying map.

  95. Puschi, ibid., account of his Patriarchate, p. 41; and of his coinage, pp. 42-44. See also catalogue of coins and medals published by Adolph E. Cahn, Frankfurt-am-Main, No. 11, Feb. 1891; p. 20, Nos. 873-875.
  96. The Rev. Samuel Savage Lewis, M.A., F.S.A., Fellow and Librarian of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge.

Addendum:

Bernard de Montfaucon
Palaeographia graeca
Paris; Ludovicus Guerin [etc.], 1708
Image - http://www.lib.uchicago.edu/e/spcl/excat/berlin/51.html

Belonging to a noble and ancient line, Bernard de Montfaucon (1655­1741) was destined for a military career but spent most of his youth in the family library at the castle of Roquetaillade. Ill-health and the death of his parents caused him to choose the life of a monk. Taking his vows in 1676, Montfaucon subsequently lived at various abbeys in France and Italy. His unlimited access to the manuscripts of numerous monastic libraries led to his important work Palaeographia graeca, first published in 1708. Besides establishing the foundations of Greek palaeography, the book contains a remarkable list of 11,630 manuscripts which the author consulted for its preparation. Illustrating the history of Greek writing and the variation of its characters, Palaeographia graeca is still a mine of valuable information for the classical scholar.

Editor's note:

Luigi Rossini (1790-1857), was an architect, painter and watercolorist.  Born in Ravenna,  as a young man he went to Bologna where he studied art and architecture at the academy and won the prize of the Regno Italico for Architecture.  He arrived in Rome around the end of 1813 and beginning of 1814, but after meeting with repeated failures in his attempts to gain architectural commissions decided to follow in the footsteps of Piranesi and began work on a series of views of Rome.  He published over 1,000 plates in various collections: Raccolta di Cinquanta Principali Vedute (1818-19), Le Antichità Romane... (1819-23), Le Antichità dei Contorni di Roma... (1824-26), I Sette Colli di Roma (1827-29), I Monamenti Più Interessanti di Roma... (1828-30), Le Porte e le Mura del Recinto di Roma (1829), Gli Archi trionfali onorari e funebri degli Antichi Romani... (1836), Scenografia degl'interni delle più belle chiese e basiliche antiche di Roma (1839-43) and Scenografia di Roma Moderna che Comprende... (1848-50).  He faithfully recorded the complex archaeological scenes, while his meticulous attention to the detailed play of light and shadow gives his work a lyricism and expressiveness. [Source: http://www.georgeglazer.com/prints/aanda/arch/rossini1.html.]

Sources:

  • Bunnell Lewis, M.A., F.S.A. "The Antiquities of Pola and Aquileia" (PDF). The Archaeological Journal, Published under the Direction of The Council of the Royal Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. For the encouragement and prosecution of researchers into the arts and monuments of The Early and Middle Ages, Volume XLIV, Published at the Office of the Institute, (London 1892), p. 234-257 and 373-396.
  • Montfaucon link - http://www.lib.uchicago.edu/e/spcl/excat/berlin/classica.html#51

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