Istria – An Example of Reducton of
inter-ethnic Tensions in a Conflicting Situation
Boris Banovac
Faculty of Law, Rijeka
Istria is the largest peninsula of the Adriatic
(3160 km2). Today the area of Istria is divided between three
national states: Croatia, Slovenia and Italy. There are a total of 12 urban
centers on the territory of the peninsula, all of which are also seats of
administrative management. Opatija, Labin, Pula, Rovinj, Pazin and Buje are in
the structure of the Republic of Croatia. Kopar, Izola and Piran are in the
Republic of Slovenia, and Muggia is in the Republic of Italy.
[MAP OF ISTRIA]
[2] The largest part of the territory is in
the structure of the Croatian state (2820 km2). At the time of
conducting the research, on the territory of the whole peninsula, there were
about 300,000 inhabitants, whereas the Istrian County alone, which is in the
composition of Croatia, comes down to a population of 201,191 (according to
census in 1991).1
In the most recent censuses the number of inhabitants indicates a
permanent tendency of growth. The largest section of the Croatian part of Istria
embraces the Istrian County. The northeastern part of the Istrian peninsula is
outside of Istrian County and includes the former districts of Opatija that are
today in the structure of the Primorsko-Goranska County. The capital of the
Istrian County is Pazin, as the main geo-traffic center and seat of the
apostolic administration. The largest urban center is the city of Pula. Pula is
the seat of the Evangelist district, the Jewish district and the Board of Muslim
religious congregations.
The Istrian Peninsula is situated on the dividing
line that separates Central Europe and the Balkan Peninsula. Therefore, from
times immemorial Istria has functioned as a contiguous periphery of various
political, cultural and economic systems. In the 20th century alone, the
governments of different countries were present in Istria (Austro-Hungary,
Italy, Nazi Germany, Yugoslavia, Croatia, Slovenia). Even so, the greatest
influences came from three cultural circles: the Slavic, Italian and German. The
centuries-old functioning of the Istrian territory as a communicational membrane
of different cultures, as well as the dramatic events that occasionally swept
over this region, had an impact on the specificities of the structure and
development of the collective identification on this territory. Therefore the
historical dimension of social development is of particular importance in
scientific investigation of the structure of collective identities in the
Istrian region.
A characteristic of the Istrian situation in recent
times was the absence of inter-ethnic conflicts and tensions in a state of open
warfare that was going on in Croatia. In the endeavor to explain the «Istrian
case» during the 1990's several empirical researches have been undertaken in
Croatian part of Istria.
Social sciences, especially historical and
political, have always shown greater interest in the causes of conflicts between
ethnic and national groups than in the reconstruction of the coexistence between
them after ethnic and national wars. Cooling of tempers that had stirred up [3]
the bloodshed was for the most part left to the skill of politicians. Regardless
of whether it is a question of winners or losers, the «normalization» of social
life and activities could only ensue through the abandonment of irrational
patterns of intolerance, hatred and revenge and through affirmation of a
rationally targeted behavior in the form of economic and political interests
within and between until - yesterday's mortal enemies.
However, the pacifying of hostilities due to such
activity on the part of the political center does not necessarily get rid of
hatred and intolerance. In most cases external influences prompt the
pacification of the losers by the winners whereby conflicts are temporarily
pushed back into the subconscious, whereas reminders of them as a rule provoke
«opening of old wounds» and vindictive strivings of one against the other.
Digging up of battlefields and mass graves, the enumerating of pits and
execution sites may in that sense prompt a new cycle of bloody conflicts in
order to «rectify» historical injustices. In that way the spiral of ethnic and
national wars can evolve indefinitely. It seems that the «Istrian case» deviates
significantly from this mentioned pattern. In spite of the historical dramas
that have taken place on this territory, the inter-ethnic conflict did not occur
even during the situation of national homogeneity as the consequence of the war
in Croatia.
Our research started from the general assumption
that multi-dimensionality and multiplicity of identity is the main reason for
the absence of national homogeneity and interethnic conflict. The emphasis in
the research was on the relationship between the ethnic (and national) and
regional identity. Empirical researches of the Istrian case were conducted on
three occasions: in 1993, 1995 and 1998.
1. The Historical Viewpoint
Already populated in prehistory, Istria has since
antiquity represented a region of confluence of various peoples and cultures. On
the other hand, this territory represented an area of contact between various
empires, states and political interests. The first vast ethnic and cultural
changes in the region of Istria were brought by the Roman conquests that
signified the establishment of political domination over the main parts of the
peninsula, but likewise the acculturation and Romanization of the native
inhabitants (Histri). What's more, there is the colonization and [4]
settling of Roman populace on the estates taken away from the Histrians after
their defeat in 177 B.C. It seems that the invasion of the eastern Goths that
took place after the fall of the Roman Empire was of no significant impact on
the social structure in Istria and neighboring regions. Apparently the settlers
of that period for the most part accepted the lifestyle of the indigenous
inhabitants.
It was a different story during the period of Byzantine rule (538-788). The
close of the 5th century and beginning of the 6th marks the beginning of
invasions of the Istrian territory by the Croats. From then on migrations of
Croatian people in various forms will be a regular phenomenon in this region.
The process of feudalization conducted by the Frankish rulers in the 8th and 9th
century was of particular importance in that sense. It was then that the Slavs
(Croats) were brought to the earlier public and urban agricultural estates,
which provoked resistance from the Romanized urban inhabitants and conflicts
with the Frankish rulers.2 But the processes
of feudalization could not be stopped. From the standpoint of change of ethnic
structure in Istria an important moment lies in the separation of the Italic
monarchy and the subjugation to the stronger influence of the German feudalists
in the 10th century. The distances between the feudal landlords and the
vicegerent mode of running the estates prompted the polycentrism of management
and weakening of the central feudal governorship. Venice in particular took
advantage of such a situation in order to strengthen its influence in Istrian
towns and control of maritime trade.3
In the 12th century a conflict broke out between the Istrian towns and Venice
and in the beginning of the 13th century the patriarchate of Aquilea got
involved. The key role in these conflicts was played by the Istrian towns that
preferred to surrender to the Venetians rather than to the Aquilean landlords
who endeavored to establish a centralized feudal rule in Istria. The mentioned
conflicts lasted until the beginning of the 16th century when most of the
Istrian peninsula (three-fourths of the territory) fell under the rule of
Venice, while the central part (County of Pazin) falls into the hands of the
Habsburgs. Such a territorial division was maintained until the fall of the
Republic of Venice and this had serious consequences on the ethnical structure
of the Istrian region. Centuries-old political division had no doubt had a
negative impact on integrating processes and particularly on the Croatian ethnic
group that had [5] mainly lived in Istrian villages. The frequent fights
between the Venetian army and the army of the Austrian archduke were followed by
plundering of villages by both sides, which as a consequence prompted migrations
and depopulation, in other words «draining» of indigenous inhabitants from their
villages. During the 16th and 17th century the Venetian and Austrian rulers
endeavor to remedy the catastrophic situation of the economy by enticing
colonization of the deserted parts of Istria and during this period we see the
immigration of ethnically colorful groups.4
In addition to Croats there were colonists of Italian, Greek, Albanian and
Rumanian origin. Nevertheless, the researches of this period point to the fact
that the colonization retained a predominantly Croatian character. Even though
the processes of acculturation were active during this turmoil, especially in
relationship to the Croat populace in towns and the Italian populace in
villages, the Croat ethnicity succeeded during this entire period to resist the
processes of assimilation by both the Austrian and the Venetian strivings.
The fall of Venice in the 18th century and its being subjected to the French,
and thereafter once more to the Austrians, marked a new phase in the social
development of Istria. From the standpoint of the problem that we are dealing
with, the most important processes of that period were certainly the competitive
relations of the Croatian and Italian entities in Istria which were indirectly
prompted by the Austrian authority. The considerable distance of the center of
political administration (Vienna), the geo-strategical position of Istria and
the limited possibilities for the Germanization of everyday life; all this had
an effect on producing conflicting situations between Istrian Croats and
Italians. A particularly sensitive issue in this sense was the issue over the
use of language in schools. Although the official language was supposed to
be German, the economically more powerful Italian circles and intelligence
succeeded to impose the Italian language, while the so-called «Illyrian»
language was not introduced before the middle of the 19th century (1847). Thus
the Croats in Istria found themselves under a twofold pressure of assimilation:
the German, which was of an official, institutional character, and the Italian,
which functioned on an economic and cultural basis. The economic superiority of
the Italian minority enabled this group to control the mechanisms of social
promotion, so that Italianhood and Italianization of the Croatian populace had
already started to be a widespread phenomenon. Since there was not a
differentiated strata of layman intelligentsia in Istria, resistance to
assimilation processes came mostly from the clergy. For this reason the role of
priesthood in the processes of [6] ethnic and national mobilization of
Istrian Croats was of greater significance than in other regions. The Istrian
priests prepared and conducted to the very end the process of folk and national
integration5.
This was a time of great political turmoil. The process of national
awakening of the Croats in Istria was influenced both by internal and
external historical circumstances. This was the period of the Italian
Risorgimento
and creation of the modern Italian state. The turbulence that was
going on in the not too distant neighborhood affected to some extent
Istria as well. The Italian intelligentsia in Istria joined the process
of political and cultural integration with their own nation, thus
provoking a more aggressive Italian attitude towards Istria,
politicizing of Istria's public life and the emergence of Italian
irredentism. Relations became particularly strained when the Italian
delegates in the Austrian constituency requested the introduction of the
Italian as the official language in most of Istria. The mentioned events
mobilized the Croatian ethnic group in Istria even though it had far
weaker economic, cultural and political resources in comparison to the
Italian minority. This period marks the organizing of the first mass
demonstrations of Istrian Croats, and the first demands for establishing
stronger links of Istria with the Viceroyalty (Banship) of Croatia.6
The second aspect of national awakening is linked to the dissolution of feudal
social structures in Istria and the establishment of institutions of bourgeois
society. In this sense an exceptionally significant event was the formation of
the Istrian Province (marquisate county) in 1861 with its seat in Poreè. The
Province had an Assembly and its delegates were elected from four manors or
districts: owners of large estates, chamber of commerce, towns and villages;
while the bishops were considered delegates by rank. The electoral system gave
the Italian minority a privileged status, but the key role in establishing a
balance between national interests was played by three bishops, two Croats and
one Slovenian (bishops of Poreè, Krk and Trieste).
The central figure in these events was
Juraj Dobrila, Croatian bishop and
the main initiator of “Naša sloga” (1870), a newspaper that played a great role
in the process of the Croatian national revival. In conditions when the Croatian
language was being ousted from the educational system and under circumstances of
non-existence of a Croatian intellectual strata, the newspaper “Naša sloga”
played a twofold role. On the one hand, due to its popular orientation it [7]
contributed to national mobilization of the Croatian populace in Istrian
villages, and on the other hand it served the purpose of getting together the
Croatian intellectual potential in Istria. In the coming years this intellectual
strata steadily grows stronger, as is apparent from the founding of educational
societies (Fraternity of Croatian Folks in 1874, the Society of Saints Cyril and
Methodius in 1893), opening of Croatian reading rooms and organizing of
gatherings at which along with the Croatians Slovenians are often attending7.
A distinction of this most important phase in the formation of Croatian national
identity in Istria is the cooperation with the Slovenian entity. This political
linkage of Croats and Slovenes was beyond doubt prompted by the appearance of
Italian irredentism. With the founding of a Slovene-Croatian political society
in 1878, the cooperation of two national movements by the end of the 19th
century ever more successfully withstands Italian irredentism, but also succeeds
to extort certain rights from Vienna. Hence in 1883 Austro-Hungary was obliged
to allow undiscriminated use of the Croatian and Slovenian languages in relation
to the Italian. Although the results of this decision were not felt
significantly in practice, these and similar events contributed to the
strengthening of cultural and national identities of Istrian Croats and
Slovenes. The census of 1890 shows that the population in Istria (per language
of communication) was: 140,713 Croats, 118,027 Italians and 44,418 Slovenes. By
the end of the century (1899) the first Croatian gymnasium (secondary school)
was opened in Pazin, which was a symbolic and actual confirmation of the
cultural identity of Istrian Croats. The political confirmation of this process
was attained in the elections for the Imperial Council in 1907, when of five
candidates three of them were elected from the Croato-Slovene party.
In terms of ideology in the Croatian movement in Istria, two basic aims come to
the forefront. First are the Party-of-Right ideas advocated by the Istrian
representatives in the Imperial Council, Vjekoslav
Spinčić and
Matko Laginja. They had on several occasions
emphasized the aspirations of Istrian Croats to unite Istria with Croatia.
However the ideas of the Party-of-Right could not have a character of
exclusiveness due to the political alliance with the Slovenes, so that these
issues were not treated in a radical way. The second aim, which comes more to
the forefront in the beginning of the 20th century, was the Yugoslav idea. Both
internal and external conditions affected the breakthrough of this idea in the
Croato-Slovene Party. The [8] union with the Slovenes limited the
possibilities of defining political programs on ethnic-national grounds. On the
other hand, the constantly present aspiration of Italy to annex Istria and the
Kvarner islands clearly indicated where the main threat for the cultural,
economic and political recognition of Istrian Croats and Slovenes was coming
from. With the outbreak of the Balkan wars in 1912, and thereafter of World War
I, it became clear that the national integration of Croats and Slovenes could
not be achieved within the Austro-Hungarian state, therefore the Croato-Slovene
movement in Istria is to a steadily increasing extent attracted to the idea of
uniting into a state of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.
In the course of the War, due to the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian
monarchy, Istria entered the makeup of the state of the SCS, but by the end of
the war it was annexed with the island to Italy as a reward for abandoning the
Axis Powers and going over to the side of the Entente (1915). Immediately upon
the end of war the Italian authorities started to eradicate the ethnic and
national heritage of the Croat and Slovene populace in Istria. This “Erasure of
Identity”8
was cruelly conducted especially after the establishment of a fascistic
administration (1922).
The Italianization of surnames even included the deceased, thus names and
surnames were changed on sepulchral monuments. All Croatian and Slovenian press
was prohibited, schools in the national language were abolished and all
cultural, economic and educational societies were dissolved. Croatian and
Slovene intellectuals were forced to emigrate from Istria (Matko
Laginja, Mijo Mirković,
Viktor Car Emin etc.). Special pressure was made on the villages
where the pauperized peasants were forced to take usurious loans that they were
unable to pay back so that their properties were sold at auctions, and they
often had to leave Istria together with their families. During the period from
1910 to 1943/45, about 53,000 Croats emigrated from Istria.9
At the same time the Italian fascist government moves to Istria colonists from
Italy so that, according to the same source, about 29,000 persons settled in
Istria during the period between the two world wars.
The processes of national integration in Istria between the two wars were
postponed, but they were not dismissed. The best proof of this was the mass
demonstration of Istrians that took [9] place after the overthrow of
fascism and capitulation of Italy in the Second World War, and the events that
followed. In September 1943 in a matter of only a few days, Istria was liberated
thanks to the uprising in which 10,000 Croats, Slovenes and Italians
participated. After that, on the 13th September 1943, the People's Liberation
Committee for Istria in Pazin brought forth the decision on uniting Istria with
Croatia, and this was authenticated by ZAVNOH (abbrev. For Territorial National
Antifascist Liberation Council of Croatia) on 20th September 1943. This was the
achievement of one of the most important goals of the movement for national
liberation of Istrians: the social and territorial integration with the Croatian
ethnical area within the framework of the Yugoslav state of that time.
During the postwar period, events once again dramatically altered the ethnic
picture of Istria. They referred to the great exodus, the peak of which was
reached during the period from 1947 to 1954. Although many of its aspects have
still not been objectively explored, various sources indicate that after World
War II some 116,000 Italians emigrated from Istria.10
Among those who opted for Italian citizenship there were also Istrian Croats who
refused to accept the new government. They were mostly from the social stratum
of entrepreneurs and well-to-do citizens. That was the last major social
upheaval to strike this region.
Insight into the mentioned historical processes indisputably points to the
continuity of the integrative processes of the Croatian ethnic entity from the
first mass settlements in the 5th and 6th century to the national awakening in
the 19th century and territorial integrations with other parts of the ethnic
area during the 20th century. On the other hand, ethnic and national integration
evolves in a specific way. This was determined by numerous reasons of a
geographical, cultural, political, economic and generally social nature. From a
geopolitical aspect Istria is a good example of a bordering (tangential)
periphery, which no doubt had an influence on its millennial political disunion
between the most powerful states on the European continent. These territorial
political divisions have been maintained to this very day, thus this region is
at present a tri-border area between three states. From a geographical
viewpoint, due to its peninsular location and natural barriers (Mount Učka and
Ćićarija) it represents a homogenous and natural territorial entity. In light of
its cultural and ethnic features it is an area of permeation of different
peoples and cultures, in which the Croatian, Slovenian and Italian are dominant.
All these are reasons that [10] compel observance of a complex approach
in the research of the social contemporaneousness of Istria, especially when
dealing with the issue of dimensions of ethnic identification and regional
affiliation.
2. Istria from Inside
A historical analysis is unavoidable in the search for answers to posed
questions, but it is not enough for an explanation of the phenomena that deviate
from the mainstream of events.
Historical tradition, as is commonly known, always represents a certain
selection of the material that appears in the everyday life of a society. In the
choice of the material that will be processed and scientifically evaluated,
great significance is always given to the principles, and even the political and
ideological predilections of the author. In the endeavor to render explanations
of certain phenomena from the aspect of the major historical processes and
tendencies, one often forgets to take into consideration the internal structure
that actually makes them specific in their everyday life. In order to render
adequate answers to these «multi-dimensional» issues calls for multidisciplinary
research, but also for methodological pluralism.
Without intending to go deeper into an analysis between historical processes and
social structures, on this occasion we shall limit ourselves to some
hypothetical relations that can expand the possibilities of research of the
relations of ethnic identity and regional affiliation. As regards the outlined
historical framework, the most important quetion for our theme is how did it
influence the processes of ethnic and territorial identification in Istria.
2.1. Population of Istria
Since the censuses, in addition to «physical» movability, also reflects the
changes in selfidentification of the population, for the purpose of illustrating
the complexity of the identification processes in Istria, in the following table
we refer to showing the presentation of changes of the folk structure from 1880
to 1991. [11]
Changes of the Folk Structure from 1880 to 1991.
| Year |
Croats |
Slovenians |
Italians |
Germans |
Regionals |
Others |
Total |
|
1880.
% |
81.175
45,5 |
6.995
3,9 |
79.155
44,4 |
4.23
2,4 |
|
6.825
3,8 |
100
|
|
1910
% |
126.478
47,7 |
10.254
3,8 |
98.520
37,2 |
12.452
4,7 |
|
17.132
6,5 |
100
|
|
1945
% |
160.872
69,1 |
2..771
1,2 |
58.681
26,2 |
|
|
10.443
4,5 |
100
|
|
1948
% |
155.701
75,3 |
4.606
2,2 |
42.727
20,7 |
|
|
3.619
1,8 |
100
|
|
1953
% |
155.063
77,8 |
5.552
2,8 |
23.934
12 |
|
|
14.729
7,4 |
100
|
|
1981
% |
157.112
72,2 |
3.434
1,6 |
7.859
3,6 |
|
3.691
1,7 |
45.510
20,9 |
100
|
|
1991
% |
135.170
57,7 |
3.671
1,6 |
15.627
6,7 |
|
37.654
16,1 |
42.023
17,9 |
100
|
|
| Source: Društvena istraživanja 6-7/1993.
Groups smaller than 1% are not shown in the table.
|
The most outstanding phenomenon in the presented data is the diminishing trend
in the percentage of Italians up to the 1980's and increasing trend of the
percentage of Croats up to the 1950's11.
Certainly these trends were primarily influenced by the migrations of either one
or the other of the peoples inhabiting the region, especially during earlier
periods. However, when we refer to the period from the beginning of the 1980's
to the present, quite different trends are becoming readily apparent and can be
explained by rthe physical mobility of the population. In the 1981 census we
note the appearance of regionally affiliated individuals, and in 1991 they
became a relevant social group in Istria. In addition to this, the number of
Italians in the mentioned census period has almost doubled. From the related
demographic information one may pretty clearly discern the appearance of the
regionally affiliated of 1981, but also the increase in the number of Italians
in the population of Istria that is connected to the decline of the percentage
of Croats in Istria. Since this was a period without any significant migrational
trends (particularly Društvena istraživanja 6-7 1993. [12] ot among the
mentioned groups), we must assume that the dynamism of identification processes
was the main source of the changes.
2.2. The Dynamics and Context of Identification
When speaking about the territorial dimension of identification in Istria, it is
reasonable to assume three levels of identification that are the cause of a
tripartite segmentation of individual and collective identities: local, regional
and national. The relations between the mentioned segments is not static, but
dynamic, and depends on the kind of social situation in which the identification
unfolds. Basically it is a matter of at which point, in which social situation
is a line of differentiation to be drawn between the affiliates of one group and
the entire social surrounding (Pusi æ 1995: 3). Thus, for example, an inhabitant
of a locality in Istria will be identified on a local level (as a resident of
that locality), whereas outside of Istria, say in Slavonia, he will be
identified as an Istrian for the simple reason that in such a situation a narrow
local identity is not recognizable. In both cases his ethnic and national
identity (e.g. Croat) is not disputable at all. His national (Croatian) identity
will be determinative, for example, in Germany. In all these examples there are
no identity contradictions, but what does emerge are its multiplicity and for
that very reason the compatibility of identity.
The mentioned «shifting» of different segments of identity does not always have
to be conditioned by the change of locality. Some historical situations produce
homogeneity of the national identity in which case it becomes determinative in
the actions of individuals and groups, whereas some other situations favor local
and regional recognition. Among the former, for example, one may include
aggression and foreign occupation since, as F. Gross says: «the aggressor is
centralistically organized, and that calls for a similar organization of
resources, power and above all a joint effort of the people in opposing the
danger» (Gross 1978: 10). In any case, all the researches on social dynamics
show that social conflicts and threats «from outside» give rise to
centralization and homogenization of social groups. On the other hand, more
peaceful and stable periods of social development favor differentiation in
accordance with interests, «social relaxation» and affirmation of local and
regional identity. These are partially under the impact of rational elements
such as striving for a redistribution of economic resources in favor of the
region or place of residence and striving for a redistribution of political
influence (local [13] self-government), as well as romantic elements of
being linked to the local homeland, place of birth and childhood, etc. Istria is
no exception from these tendencies, although it has it own distinctive features.
Ethnical and national identities would be expressed most strongly precisely in
times of most vehement endeavors to have them eradicated. In that sense the mass
uprising of Istrians in September 1943 and demand to be annexed to Croatia can
primarily be comprehended as the consequence of centuries-old attempts of
various sides to assimilate the Croatian entity. In this respect the fascist
repression certainly played a special role and represented the most radical
form, i.e. genocide.
The penetration of one segment of identification
into the foreground does not mean that the others have lost their significance.
They are only pented up and «shifted» into a latent form. However, the dynamism
of the process of identification cannot be understood outside of the ethos and
ethic structure of a community. It is precisely in these elements of culture, or
better said subculture, that one must look for the specific features of the
«Istrian situation». Coexistence (convivenza) is not a political phrase
in Istria, but rather a value that emerged in conditions of the historical
necessity to live together. Even in times of greatest conflict, this value would
make its way to the surface and represent the foundation on which it was always
possible to reaffirm multiculturalism in Istria once again as the essential
feature of the subculture of this region. In this connection the assertion may
sound paradoxical but precisely thanks to multiculturalism in Istria it was for
millenniums possible to preserve separate ethnic identities, including the
Croatian. Territorially and politically isolated from the mainstream bulk of
their ethnic groups, the Croat and Slovene ethnicities (occasionally the Roman
as well) were subjected to constant assimilation pressures. Resistance to the
tendencies of erasing identity that for the most part came from «outside» was
possible only under the assumption of a high degree of tolerance «inside» the
Istrian society regardless of its ethnic and social divisions. Multiculturalism
in a very concrete way enhanced the capacity of resistance to assimilatory
tendencies12. The most important value of
Istrian multiculturalism was for that very reason coexistence (convivenza).13
[14]
2.3. Regionalism, the Homeland and the Political Market
Regionalism can be defined as a movement and
ideology that represents the idea of redistribution of state power to a regional
level, and in a social sense regionalism is based on a distinct subnational
identification that exists in a certain region. Therefore, two questions are
essential for empirical research of regionalism:
- the organizational issue that enables the
institutionalization of mobilizing processes on a regional level; and
- the matter of the social basis of the
movement.
Political organization
The first issue primarily refers to the regional political party that took over
the leading role in the mobilization process. In the case of Istria, that would
be the Istrian Democratic Assembly (IDS). The IDS was established in 1989 in
conditions of political ferment in Croatia. Formally it became a political party
of the 14th February 1990, following the introduction of multi-partyism. The
first public appearance of the party took place in Pula on 18th April 1990. The
political profile of the party is outlined in the Program Declaration published
in 1991.
The IDS Program Declaration ideologically defines itself as a party of liberal
orientation, but stresses that this orientation is liberal in principle. The
values that are cited in this respect are: civil sovereignty, inter-ethnic
tolerance, human rights and freedom of the media. It must however be noted that
the ideological profile of the party is not a matter of essence for regional
parties, hence neither for IDS. The real politically underlying principle of the
party is regionalism, which places special emphasis on the territorial and
cultural dimension. IDS in this respect defines itself as «a regional party
performing on the territory of Istria and the Istrian islands, administratively
divided between the republics of Croatia, Slovenia and Italy, but historically,
culturally, geographically, ethnically, economically and ecologically united
into a triune whole of this area»14. This
self-determination in itself contains one of the basic strategic ideas of this
party – the transborderline concept. Although attempts are made to define
transborderline
functionally and primarily as a necessity to facilitate the
circulation of «manpower, inhabitants, ideas, [15] knowledge and material
goods» between the areas of Istria that are situated in different states15,
it is impossible to avoid the political implications of such an orientation.
Insisting on «a triune unity of the area» and decentralization of government in
essence represents a strategic orientation in furtherance of a special status
for this region within the structure of a «Europe of regions»16.
The most important characteristics of such a strategy are multi-ethnicity and
polycentrism. The former particularly manifests itself in relation to the
Italian minority by lending support to a maximalist attitude in protecting their
rights, especially in matters of language17.
Polycentrism is the logical consequence of the demand for decentralization of
political power, but it also ensues from the triunity of the Istrian region,
thereby wishing to stress the importance of regional identity in comaprison to
national identity. Although this has nothing to do with traditional autonomist
politics, even less with separatism, the mentioned strategic orientation
nevertheless represents a limitation of the nation-state influence and is as
such in collision with the current concept of the system of government in the
Croatian state. In addition to autonomy (the demand for greater autonomy) and a
transborderline policy, the third political goal of IDS is the demilitarization
of the Istrian region. This latter idea does not have such an important
strategic significance and represents a fairly successful propaganda move by the
IDS.
Regionalism and «Istrianity»
The demand for decentralization of decision-making and greater autonomy on a
regional level is still an inadequate condition for mass mobilization on a
subnational scale. A political organization that aspires to compete on a
determined area with the national political organization is compelled to operate
in accordance with a corporate model, meaning that it must provide a relatively
high degree of internal homogeneity. In this sense the most important issue is
related to the social basis of the movement. Although a regional movement may be
profiled in an ideological sense, that is not its essential feature. The
strategies of regional movements are primarily directed towards a redistribution
of political power in which the territorial dimension has a decisive impact,
whereas ideological divisions may from a tactical viewpoint only bring [16]
harm to the movement. Under conditions of concordance of ethnic and regional
borders we see the emergence of a corporate model in the form of ethno
regionalism. If such conditions do not exist, the role of social homogenization
can temporarily at least be played by economic discrepancies (Lombardy in Italy,
for example). However, in most cases regional organizations, in order to acquire
and uphold mass support, resort to efforts to “construct” ethnic identities if
they do not exist or if they were not clearly differentiated in the course of
historical development. As D. W. Urwin underlines: “all contemporary regional
movements refer to some form of ethnical identity".18
In recent years in Istria something similar has been happening with the
category called “Istrianity”.
In the program materials of the IDS multiple significance has been given to the
term “Istrianity” (or “Istrianhood”). Thus in the mentioned Declaration of 1991
we can read that “Istrianity is an awareness that the Slavic and Latin
population of Istria belong to the joint multicultural reality of Istria”, but
likewise the point of view that it “represents a specific consciousness of
regional belonging that refers to the processes of identification of the
inhabitant of Istria and his mutual territorial and historical destiny”. Near
the end of the paragraph on this theme it is highlighted that «Istrians identify
themselves by manifesting their Croatian, Slovene, Italian national affiliation
and Istrian ethnical affiliation (italics are ours)». Therefore, the
category of «Istrianity» has a dual function in the process of political
mobilization.
What “Istrianity” stands for in the everyday life of the population of Istria is
quite another thing. Political dispensation of this term is certainly in the
function of the aims of the regional movement and its organization. Cultural
diversity, multiethnicity that goes back into the distant past and
polycentricity (spatial and social) are indisputably features of the Istrian
situation. However, that still does not mean that the identities that emerge on
that basis can be boiled down to ethnical identity, at least not in the sense of
national identity. Although this identity in a political sense functions as a
good “substitute” for ethnical identity, we hold that it is in fact a form of
local identification with an emphasized territorial dimension that cannot be
equated with ethnical identity. Istrianhood in that sense is more adequately
understood as a kind of homeland
identity that exists in Istria, along with ethnic and national identities.
Istrianity represents identity [17] based on connectedness to the
immediate homeland or native countryside (comprehended in its territorial and
social dimension), whereas ethnicity is connectedness to the nationality.
Regional identity expressed by the term Istrianity should not be considered
ethnic,
but rather as an
ethical
phenomenon based on the historical and cultural significance of coexistence (convivenza)
between the different ethnicities of this region. Of course that does not mean
that local identification cannot have priority over the national and ethnic in
everyday life. On the contrary, in Istria it is not a rare occurrence. Let
us just remember the previously mentioned detail that, on occasion of the 1991
census, every sixth inhabitant of Istria declared himself/herself regionally in
answer to the question on national affiliation. On basis of that it would be
wrong to conclude that all these persons are nationally uncommitted and without
ethnic identities. Most of them besides their local affiliation feel affiliated
to their Croatian, Italian or any other nationality, the same as the large
number who declared themselves as Croats, Italians, etc. feel a strong bond with
their Istrian homeland. The simple reason is that due to the imposed “either or”
choice certain people commit themselves to the identity they consider has
primary importance in the particular situation. In the Istrian region these
processes of identification of members of the society are very complex and every
endeavor to outline them in black and white tones creates resistance and
animosities and renders a distorted picture of reality. The pluralism of
identities and their complementariness is a more realistic assumption.
Of course the above designations are primarily of a hypothetical nature, and
need to be authenticated by empirical researches. We shall come back to some of
the aspects of this problem in the presentation of the research results that we
conducted in Istria, and which basically confirm the mentioned assumptions.
The political market in Istria
Political processes, especially changes in political structures have a strong
impact of the processes of identification. This in particular refers to ethnic
identification, but also to other forms of social solidarity with an accentuated
territorial dimension. The influence of political structures of government is
reflected in the official language, profiling of educational and cultural
institutions, establishing standards of human rights, etc. That way it is
possible to direct the processes of identification into the desired direction.
Therefore in research of ethnic and regional identification, an important issue
is are the prevailing conditions on the “political market”; does a [18]
political organization on a regional level exist, and also the issue regarding
the influence of other parties, particularly of nationally profiled parties.
Previous insight into the existing situation in the region of the County of
Istria renders the results of elections up to now. The data on elections during
the period 1992-1995 are cited in the following table:
Results of Elections (1992.-2000.) in Istrian County
Parties /
Elections |
Parlam.
92. |
Local
93. |
Parlam
93 |
Parlam
95. |
Local
97. |
Parlam
2000. |
| IDS/DDS |
41,30 |
74,17 |
66,42 |
*60,64 |
46,35 |
**51,34 |
| HDZ |
13,61 |
15,52 |
16,35 |
14,39 |
16,70 |
10,64 |
| HSLS |
15,10 |
6,22 |
10,15 |
8,15 |
7,86 |
|
| SDP |
9,13 |
1,70 |
1,91 |
4,68 |
8,33 |
**28,03 |
| HNS |
5,02 |
|
|
|
|
|
| HSS |
1,38 |
|
1,22 |
|
4,42 |
|
| HSP |
2,74 |
|
|
1,39 |
|
|
| SSH - ASH |
1,58 |
|
|
1,22 |
|
|
| SDU |
1,28 |
|
|
3,88 |
1,75 |
|
| HND |
|
|
|
3,29 |
|
|
| IDF |
|
|
|
|
12,89 |
|
| OTHERS |
8,84 |
2,39 |
3,95 |
2,35 |
1,70 |
9,99 |
| TOTAL |
100,00 |
100 |
100 |
100 |
100 |
100 |
Source: documentation - The County of Istria.
Legend:
- IDS/DDI - Istarski demokratski sabor/Dieta
Democratica Istriana (Istrian Democratic Assembly)
- HDZ - Hrvatska demokratska zajednica (Croatian
Democratic Union)
- HSLS - Hrvatska socijalno liberalna stranka
(Croatian Social Liberal Party)
- SDP - Socijaldemokratska partija Hrvatske
(Social Democratic Party of Croatia)
- HNS - Hrvatska narodna stranka (Croatian
Peolpe's Party)
- HSS - Hrvatska seljacka stranka (Croatian
Peasants' Party)
- HSP - Hrvatska stranka prava (Croatian Party
of Rights)
- SSH - Savez socijalista Hrvatske (League of
Socialists of Croatia)
- ASH - Akcija socijaldemokrata Hrvatske (Social
Democratic Action of Croatia)
- SDU - Socijal-demokratska unija
(Socialdemocratic Union)
- HND - Hrvatski Nezavisni Demokrati (Croatian
Democratic Independents)
- IDF – Istarski demokratski forum (Istrian
Democratic Forum)
- SBHS - Slavonsko-baranjska hrvatska stranka
(Slanvonsko-Baranja Croatian Party)
- HKDU - Hrvatska Kranska Democratska Unija
(Croatian Christian Democratic Union)
- LS - Liberalna Stranka (Liberal Party)
* In the 1995 elections IDS appeared in coalition
with “Sabor 95.” (HSS, HNS, IDS, HKDU, SBHS), but the mentioned percentage may
be considered as support of IDS since the other coalition parties are just
marginally represented in the region of Istria.
** In the 2000 elections IDS appeared in coaltion
with the “foursome” (HSS, HNS, LS, IDS), while SDP was in coalition with HSLS.
[19] In the table we quoted the data on votes
for party lists since we are of the opinion that they are a more objective
reflection of the mood of the voters in relation to political parties than the
data on votes for candidates individually.
Already in the 1992 elections IDS could count on being supported by more than
40% of the electorate in the Istrian County, and during the 1993 elections this
party won almost threefourths of the votes. The 1992 election results indicate
that at that time a political market still existed in Istria. Even though IDS
then already represented a dominant political organization on a local level,
there still was a “political market” since no political party had a monopolistic
position in the form of an absolute majority. IDS skillfully took advantage of
its relative majority to affirm regional identity on the Istrian political space
so that already the forthcoming local elections and elections for the House of
Counties in 1993 indicated the disappearance of political competition. National
political parties like the HSLS and SDP lost the support of a part of the
electorate, on which occasion SDP was practically marginalized. HDZ in Istria
maintained a pretty stable position, but without any considerable formal
influence in local institutions. u Istri. If we make a comparison of results in
1992 with those in 2000, a mild decline in the initial and almost plebiscitary
support of IDS is noticeable, but still there is no serious drift of voters away
from this party that could undermine its position. This mild decline in the
support of IDS might in our opinion be interpreted as the postwar
democratization of the Croatian society and fact that the IDS participates in
the local government, which brings the party into a situation of becoming the
subject of critical objection of the electorate, rather than a sign of global
abandonment of the principles that are in the foundation of its political
program.19
The political processes in Istria are a good example of interaction of the
factors that were found (that existed) and those that were “produced” in the
dynamism of regional identification. Most of the political parties in Istria
were marginalized precisely for overlooking or ignoring the regional dimensions.
On the other hand the political monopoly of IDS certainly strengthened the
processes of regional identification so that the parties that have political
ambitions in the Istrian region will have to annex their national programs with
regional contents. [20]
3. Empirical Research of Regional Identification in Istria
20
The general assumption that was the starting
point of our research was formulated on basis of theoretical analysis of
ethnical identification and descriptive analysis of the actual socio-political
processes on the territory of Istria. Based on the mentioned we assumed that the
absence of inter-ethnic tensions in Istria was the result of the complex
structure of collective and individual identities, within which the pronounced
regional identification plays an important role. In our opinion several
essential dimensions have been taken into consideration in our empirical
research of regional identificiation in Istria. Thesew were: 1. territorial; 2.
political; 3. cultural. However, prior to the discussion on regional
identification, we bring out the basic information on ethnic identification and
soical aloofness toward certain groups.
Ethno-national self-identity and social aloofness
Research has shown that there are clearly
differentiated ethno-national identities in Istria with regard to connectedness
with their own ethnic group, or with regard to national self-identification. In
the Croatian part of Istria we clearly note the presence of two ethnic
identities: the Croatian and the Italian, while the other ethnic identities
demonstrate tendencies to be assimilated. A certain but rather fluctuating
number of respondents in answering the question referring to ethnic affiliation
chose regional (usually "Istrian").
Self-Identification
| |
1995. |
1998. |
| CROAT |
67,23 |
77,12 |
| ITALIAN |
7,34 |
6,15 |
| REGIONAL |
17,89 |
5,90 |
| OTHERS |
5,84 |
9,10 |
| N.A. |
1,69 |
1,72 |
[21] Only 2% of the interviewed did not
express their ethnic affiliation, and the research in 1995 every sixth
respondent in answer to the query regarding ethno-national self-identification
chose the regional (Istrian) affiliation. In the research in 1998 the percentage
of those who ethnically defined themselves as “Istrians” was considerably
smaller. As we shall subsequently demonstrate, this fact does not bring the
assumption of a pronounced regional identification in Istria into doubt.
Analysis on a level of correlation shows very poor connectedness with the social
characteristics of the respondents from which we may conclude that the ethnic
identities are homogenous and are not under the influence of any intrinsic
socio-economic and stratifying divisions.
On occasion of defining the boundaries of ethnic groups the question of their
openness or respectively their restrictedness toward other ethnic groups arises.
The respondents were asked with which affiliates of other groups they would
prefer to work with, make friends with and get married to. The analysis of this
query in the region of Istria confirmed the thesis of the multiculturalism of
this territory, which is chiefly reflected by the fact that the citizens of
Istria are open towards the ethnicities that traditionally reside on the
territory of Istria.
Social Distance (Work, Friendship, Marriage)
| |
WORK |
FRIENDSHIP |
MARRIAGE |
| Croats |
78,53 |
39,85 |
77,78 |
36,78 |
77,97 |
42,80 |
| Italians |
64,41 |
25,34 |
65,91 |
23,74 |
59,7 |
20,05 |
| Slovenians |
51,22 |
17,10 |
47,27 |
14,76 |
48,92 |
11,93 |
| Jews |
13,56 |
- |
9,98 |
- |
6,78 |
- |
| Muslims |
12,24 |
2,83 |
15,07 |
2,09 |
7,34 |
2,09 |
| Albanians |
4,71 |
0,86 |
3,01 |
0,62 |
2,07 |
0,00 |
| Serbs |
3,58 |
3,69 |
4,33 |
2,71 |
3,58 |
1,85 |
| Montenegrins |
3,39 |
1,35 |
3,39 |
0,98 |
3,01 |
0,62 |
| N:A: |
14,88 |
55,97 |
15,07 |
41,70 |
16,01 |
53,63 |
Note: In the research of 1998 the
relationship towards Jews as an ethnic group was not studied.
The scrutinized groups that stand out the most are the Croats, Italians and
Slovenes. This multiculturalism, however, does not mean that the situation in
the inter-ethnic relations is in all respects idyllic. Replies to questions
referring to the privileged status of certain ethnicities indicate that there is
a latent line of division between the ethnic groups on the territory of Istria.
[22] In addition to the expected division of
majority and minority groups, there is a line of latent conflict that is in our
assumption predominantly on an economic basis, not a cultural one. The analysis
of inter-ethnic relations on the Istrian territory points to the particularities
of this territory, which are largely a result of the historical encounters of
the different ethnical groups and cultural influences, within which the dominant
impacts were achieved by the three mentioned ethnic groups: Croats, Italians and
Slovenes. In any case, the Croatian ethnicity was dominant, but the position of
the “tangible periphery” that was present in Istria during the various periods
of its history undoubtedly left an indelible imprint on its ethnical and
cultural being. The response to these questions in the research carried out in
1998 was withheld by a far greater number of respondents (about 50%) than in
1995 (15%). We can only assume that one of the reasons for such a situation was
to pacify the manifested ethnic conflicts in the society, which could have had
impact on diminishing ethnic divisions so that a greater number of respondents
did not consider them important or significant on a level of everyday
interaction. The relations between the major ethnic groups living in this region
remained the same. The greatest change was noted in the relationship towards the
Moslems, which was probably connected to the increased stigmatizing of this
ethnic group.
The territorial dimension of social
affiliation in Istria
The question that should be highlighted refers to the territorial dimension of
social affiliation. The basic arrangement of responses to the question of
attachment to the “various areas of living” are presented in the following
table:
Attachments to the Area of Living21
|
|
World |
Europe |
Croatia |
City |
District |
Istria |
| Absent |
13,18 |
6,21 |
2,82 |
1,69 |
1,69 |
1,13 |
| Weak |
40,30 |
42,37 |
28,44 |
14,88 |
18,64 |
12,24 |
| Strong |
42,37 |
47,46 |
66,29 |
81,36 |
76,08 |
83,99 |
| N.A. |
4,14 |
3,95 |
2,45 |
2,07 |
3,58 |
2,64 |
| Total |
100,00 |
100,00 |
100,00 |
100,00 |
100,00 |
100,00 |
[23] In is evident from the table
that local and regional territorial affiliations are most prominently
expressed. Almost 84% of the respondents from Istria assert that they
are strongly attached to the region of Istria, and every one-hundreth
respondent says that he/she feels no attachment to the Istrian
territory. Actually when observing the replies shown in the above table,
we can distinguish three levels of territorial affiliation
(connectedness): subnational, national and transnational. About two
thirds of the respondents feel strongly attached to their national
territory (Croatia), whereas the transnational levels are by far the
least represented.
In that sense it may be concluded that the processes of regional
mobilization are evolving predominantly with the framework of
traditional forms of ethno-national identification. In spite of that,
regional identification is prominent in all the explored dimensions in
the life of the society. Of all the scrutinized levels of territorial
attachment the one that was most present in the replies of the
respondents were local forms of attachment, among which attachment to
Istria took the lead. The only features with a more pronounced effect on
the arrangement were answers to the “place of birth” inquiry. Somewhat
weaker attachment to Istria was noted among people who were born outside
of the region in relation to those born in Istria. Respondents born in
Croatia, but outside of Istria, most often indicate the national level
as the one that they are most strongly attached to. When on the issue of
permanent departure from the Istrian region, based on the data that was
acquired, we could separate a group of about 40% of respondents who
expressed the most negative opinions regarding emigration from Istria.
The situation was somewhat different only in the case of departures for
reasons of health. The age of the respondents had some influence on the
standpoints regarding emigration, so that we may say that the younger
respondents were less attached to the territory than the older age
groups. The other two characteristics demonstrating certain elements of
territorial connectedness were educational background and profession.
These two variables have a certain influence, mainly in favor of
departures because of jobs and careers.
The cultural dimension of regional
affiliation
In the research we started from the assumption that the cultural dimension of
regional affiliation is to the greatest extent determined by the mode of
communication on the level of [24] everyday interaction. On the example
of Istria, the key role in this sense can be attributed to the dialectal speech,
which is used by almost 80% of the respondents.
Use of Dialects in Communication
| |
1995. |
1998. |
| EVERY DAY |
53,3 |
52,89 |
| OCCASIONALLY |
26,37 |
25,34 |
| UNDERSTANDS, BUT DOES NOT SPEAK |
13,56 |
15,50 |
| UNDERSTANDS POORLY |
4,14 |
3,20 |
| DES NOT UNDERSTAND |
2,07 |
2,09 |
| N.A. |
0,56 |
,98 |
The variable labeled “selfidentification” is one of the most important
correlatives in the use of dialects. The highest degree of regional affiliation
in relation to this dimension was expressed by the regionally affiliated and
Croats. In addition to this, an important correlative of the use of dialectal
speech is, as might have been expected, the place of birth. Speaking of
communication within a family, the use of dialect is more frequent in the
village than in the town.
Knowledge of Italian is also a specific quality of the Istrian situation. The
fact that every other respondent had an “excellent” or “good” knowledge of the
Italian language (according to their personal estimations), only goes to confirm
the assumption of multuculturalism in Istria.[25]
Knowledge of Italian Language
Perhaps participants in research polls tend to
overestimate their own knowledge and abilities, but one must not disregard the
fact that in the survey sample only a bit more than 7% of the polled declared
themselves Italians. It is necessary to understand the attitudes towards
bilinguism in Istria precisely along these lines.
Attitudes Towards Bilinguism in Istria
[26] A negative attitude towards this issue was
expressed only by 7-8%, while the greatest percentage of the polled population
in Istria supports the introduction of bilinguism in localities where larger
numbers of Italians live. This issue is distinctly linked to
self-identification, but it is necessary to pay heed that 28% of the respondents
that declared themselves as Croats replied that bilinguism should be introduced
in all of Istria. Bearing in mind the responses to a string of questions
regarding the use of language, we may conclude that this region is currently the
best example of the absurdity of pitting ethno-national and regional
identifications against each other. If we can come to an agreement that frequent
use of local dialectal speech and the attitudes towards minority languages
represent an indicator of regional affiliation, we may be sure that this does
not apply to the thesis that at the same time it represents an inadequate
expression of ethnic identity. We should rather say that this is more a matter
of specifics in the structuring of these phenomena in the area of research.
The assumption of a pronounced regional affiliation in Istria
is also confirmed by the orientation of most of the respondents towards the
local, respectively the regional media. In conditions of mass culture the media
represents one of the key factors in creating and maintaining value trends and
judgments. It is logical to assume that the influence of local and regional
press, radio and TV broadcasts, will have a consolidating effect on regional
affiliation. When speaking of local media, the research only showed greater
attachment to age group structures; hence as regards other features the survey
sample was relatively homogenous. Exposure to local media was similar among all
the categories of respondents and was relatively high. The situation with regard
to foreign media was somewhat more complex. The attachment between
“selfidentification” and “the mother tongue” was established. In that aspect the
Italians are mostly exposed to foreign media, and the Croats are the least
exposed.
political dimension of regional affiliation
In light of the general political orientations the dominant
self-alignment of the respondents was to take on a middle position, in other
words a position in the political center.
However, the entire pattern of the responses was shifted to
the left, so that the sample has 2.5 [ times more “leftists” than “rightists”.
Most of the latter are found in the youngest age group (18 to 27 years old). On
the other hand the percentage of “leftists” shows a rising tendency parallel
with aging, but the respondents over the age of 50 in most cases align
themselves with the political center.
Political Oreintations
The second characteristic of the survey sample is the
positive attitude of the majority towards regional political parties in general.
The feature showing positive attachment was the “place of birth”. On basis of
the research result it may be established that respondents born in the region of
Istria express attitudes that are more positive towards regional parties than
others. An unknown quantity in this case is represented by the distinctly high
percentage of those without an opinion concerning this issue.
The third aspect of the political dimension is represented by
the viewpoints towards mconcrete political parties. Of the series of parties
that were investigated, the most positive attitudes were towards the IDS. The
research undertaken in 1995 shows open support for this party by 46% of the
respondents, while every tenth respondent had a negative opinion towards the
IDS. The picture about this becomes less distinct when the issue is brought into
relationship with “self-identification”. As could have been expected, the
greatest support for IDS came from the regionally affiliated, but we also found
sympathizers of the mentioned party among 43% who declared themselves as
Croats.[28] The viewpoints in relation to the program aims of the IDS are
perhaps the best predictor of the political dimension of regional affiliation in
Istria. But the situation regarding this issue is without ambiguity. Of the
investigated targets of the IDS, the weakest support is for the aim that is in a
political sense of greatest importance for this regional party, and that is the
demand for greater Istrian autonomy. This demand is openly supported by somewhat
less than one fourth of the respondents; while two thirds consider that the
present situation (Istria as a county within Croatia) should remain as it is. As
regards the other two targets of the program (transborderline and
demilitarization) they are closer to the interests of the respondents and are
supported by 45 to 55% of the polled.
Are You Supporting the Idea of (1998)?
|
|
DA
|
NE
|
NE
ZNAM
|
B.O.
|
|
ISTRIA AS A TRANSBORDER REGION
|
54,00
|
14,88
|
29,89
|
1,23
|
|
DEMILITARIZATION OF ISTRIA
|
45,02
|
24,48
|
29,27
|
1,23
|
The support for the program of IDS is linked to the variable
of “self-identification”, but even among the regionally affiliated the demand
for a greater degree of autonomy is far below the demand for the transborderline
idea and demilitarization of the region of Istria. It seems that the support
that the regional party enjoys in Istria is nevertheless less homogenous than it
is at first sight. The answer to this question could only be found through a
specific research on the motivational structure of the electorate in Istria,
which we did not deal with on this occasion. The most outstanding correlatives
of political support to IDS are selfidentification and place of birth. An
analysis of these relations indicates that the most prominent divisions emerged
precisely regarding the political dimension of regional affiliation. Moreover,
this dimension took lead in revealing certain primordial aspects of attachment,
such as e.g. origin (birthplace) and social isolation based on the feeling of
territorial attachment.
For the majority, the point of regional affiliation is in the
sense of being domiciled (the homeland, the native village). Based on the
results of the conducted research there is no basis for the allegation that
there are widespread radical concepts of regionalism on the territory of Istria.
By far the largest percentage of the polled hold that social affiliation is as
equally important as affiliation to the nation or region. [29]
What is More Imporatnt, National or Regional Affiliation? (1995)
There is a difference between the
respondents in light of their ethnic affiliation, place of birth and
educational background, however in all the categories of respondents the
greatest percentage selected the reply "both nation and region are
important".
Even when the issue concerns the term
"Istrianity", which is often identified with radical representation of
regionalism, it is indicative that most of the respondents understand the
term as "attachment to the homeland", whereas only a very small percentage
comprehend "Istrianity" as a national affiliation.
What
Does 'Istrianity' Mean to You?
| |
1995. |
1998. |
| ATTACHMENT TO THE HOMELAND |
53,67 |
47,11 |
| REGIONAL BELONGING |
25,42 |
31,12 |
| BOTH BEING SPECIAL |
8,29 |
14,64 |
| NATIONAL BELONGING |
5,84 |
2,34 |
| POLITICAL SECESSION |
5,27 |
2,46 |
| B.O. |
1,51 |
2,34 |
[Ed. Note: the original text in the above
chart had the following two grammatical errors: 1) What does it mean
'Istrianity" to you" and 2) Bothing special]
[{29] This "moderate" concept of regional affiliation is
also indicative in the determination of the term region that is most acceptable
to the respondents. By far the most acceptable were the "cultural" and
"economic" concepts of region, whereas the introduction of "political" elements
in the contentions of the meaning of region had as a consequnece a lesser
percentage of agreement among the polled. Most of the respondents could not
agree with those who propose firm demarcation between regions in Croatia, but
they were also against claims that express negative attitudes towards regional
specificities. Generally, from the surveyed relations the conclusion that arises
is that the attachment to the regional level of life is not experienced
primarily in a political way. That is certainly one of the reasons that enable
the existence of multiple identities (national, regional, local) and their
compatibility.
Conclusion
Accordingly, we can conclude that ethnical and regional
levels of identificatin in Istria have been mutually historically conditioned
and compatible. Ethnical pluralism enabled the maintaining of the conscience of
the regional integrity of Istria. However, at the same time, the strongly
manifested territorial identification has been a basis for ethnical distinctions
despite various governmental, political and cultural pressures performed in
Istria by various regimes and different states in the past. Every attempt of
division of the mentioned collective identities has brought to political
divisions and conflicts instigating radicalism. The consequences have always
been detrimental to particular ethnic groups. The Istrian situation is therefore
a good example of the insuficiency of the unilateral integrative approaches to
explaining of ethnic-national processes.
The research of identification processes in Istria
confirmed the presumption about the complex structure of collective and
individual identities. The boundaries between the main ethno-national groups do
not function dominantly as barriers. They are porous and hardly visible. But we
should not forget that social bounderies in modern society do not have
absolutely ascribed character. They may be changed as a result of activity of
different political [30] and cultural mechanisms. In history there were too many
examples of attempts to reduce the social boundaries in Istria to the
territorial ones, and every time it was a tragedy for all ethno-national groups
living in this area. The extreme outcome of such activity may be ethnic
cleansing, that means physical and cultural destruction of minority groups.
References:
- Banovac, Boris (1998), Društvena pripadnost, identitet,
teritorij. Sociološko istraživanje regionalne pripadnosti u Istri, Rijeka:
Pravni fakultet.
-
Banovac, Boris (2000) "Modernitet, prostor i kostrukcija
identiteta", Revija za sociologiju, vol. 31. n. 3-4
-
(XVI.-XVIII. stolje, Pula: ZN “Žakan Juri”
-
Gruber, Dane (1924), Povijest Istre, (Reprint Zagreb: Kršć
-
Hrženjak, Juraj (1993) Lokalna samouprava i uprava u
Republici Hrvatskoj (Local selfgovernment and Administration in the Republic of
Croatia), Zagreb: Informator
-
Milanović, Božo (1991) Hrvatski narodni preporod u Istri,
book I
-
Parovel, Paolo (1993) Izbrisani identitet, Pazin: Udruženi
nakladnici
-
Pusić, Eugen (1995) “Identitet - diverzitet - kapacitet”
Erazmus n. 11
-
Program Declaration of the Istrian Democratic Assembly, 1991,
Documentation of IDS.
-
Radetić, Ernest (1944) Istra pod Italijom, Zagreb: Author's
publication (Reprint: Matica hrvatska ogranak Rijeka 1991)
-
Spinčić, Vjekoslav (1924) Narodni preporod u Istri, Zagreb
(Reprint “Kršć anska sadašnjost”, Zagreb)
- Šantić, Neven (2000) "Politički aspekti društvenog
razvoja Istre", Revija za sociologiju, vol 31., n. 3-4
-
Urwin, W. D. (1982), Conclusion: Perspectives on Conditions
of Regional Protest and Accommodation. U: Rokkan S., Urwin D. W. (ed) The
Politics of Territorial Identity. Studies in European Regionalism, London,
Sage
-
Žerjavić, Vladimir (1993) “Doseljavanja i iseljavanja s
područja Istre, Rijeke i Zadra u razdoblju 1910-1971.” Društvena
istraživanja, n. 4-5
Notes:
- Hrženjak, Juraj (1993) Lokalna
samouprava i uprava u Republici Hrvatskoj (Local self-government and
Administration in the Republic of Croatia), Zagreb: Informator, p.
87.
- Gruber, Dane (1924), Povijest
Istre, Reprint Zagreb: Kršćanska sadašnjost 1990., p. 20-21.
-
Gruber, Dane (1924), Povijest Istre, Reprint
Zagreb: Kršćanska sadašnjost 1990., p. 52.
-
Bertoša, Miroslav (1995) Istra: Doba Venecije
(XVI.-XVIII. stoljeće), Pula: ZN “Žakan Juri” p. 760-761.
-
See: Milanović, Božo (1991) Hrvatski narodni
preporod u Istri, book I, p. 181 and onward.
- Milanović, Božo (1991) Hrvatski
narodni preporod u Istri, book I, p. 200.
-
See: Spinčić, Vjekoslav (1924) Narodni
preporod u Istri, Zagreb (Reprint “Kršćanska sadašnjost”, Zagreb); Milanoviæ,
Božo (1991) Hrvatski narodni preporod u Istri, book I, p. 308.
-
Parovel, Paolo (1993) Izbrisani identitet,
Pazin: Udruženi nakladnici.
- Žerjavić, Vladimir (1993)
“Doseljavanja i iseljavanja s područja Istre, Rijeke i Zadra u
razdoblju 1910-1971.” Društvena istraživanja 6-7/God. 2, Br.
4-5, p. 641.
- Žerjavić, Vladimir (1993)
“Doseljavanja i iseljavanja s područja Istre, Rijeke i Zadra u
razdoblju 1910-1971.” Društvena istraživanja 6-7/God. 2, Br.
4-5, p. 641.
- To set the record straight it
should be said that the information from the censuses of 1921 and
1931 show opposite trends, but since these censuses were conducted
at a time of fascist repression and planned colonization from Italy,
their data is problematic. See: Radetić, Ernest (1944) Istra pod
Italijom, Zagreb: Author's publication (Reprint: Matica hrvatska
ogranak Rijeka 1991) p. 31 and onward.
- E. Pusi in this sense uses the
term «capacity» as an essential aspect of maintaining identity and
its power of DE">Erazmus br. 11
-
In its basically ethical sense,
convivenza has perhaps best asserted itself in the fact that Istrian
Italians joined the antifascist movement. All the more, since in 1943 it
was clear that the struggle against fascism in Istria at the same time
meant the struggle of Istria for territorial separation from the Italian
state. The second time in this century that the value of coexistence in
Istria was brought into question was during the exodus of the Italian
population of Istria after World War II. But even the drama of such
scope did not result in hatred and retaliation of the sort that
could have reasonably been expected. This fact only goes to confirm the
assertion of the profound historical wellfoundedness of the subculture
of inter-ethnic and intercultural relations that are characteristic for
this region.
-
Program Declaration of the Istrian
Democratic Assembly, 1991, Documentation of IDS.
-
See talks between party leaders in the
editorial office of magazine “Erazmus”, Zagreb 1995, no. 11
-
This orientation was formally
confirmed in the Declaration on the Euro-region of Istria brought forth
at the Emergency Assembly of the IDS on 24th April 1994 in Rovinj.
-
«Gradual realization of spoken and
written bilingualism in public life should be promoted through the
educational system by introducing optional and obligatory teaching of
the Italian language throughout Istria in schools using the Croatian and
Slovenian language, in accordance with the criteria of the numerical
presence of the Italian community in the various Istrian districts.»
(Program Declaration of the Istrian Democratic Assembly, 1991).
-
Urwin, W. D. (1982), Conclusion:
Perspectives on Conditions of Regional Protest and Accommodation. U:
Rokkan S., Urwin D. W. (ed) The Politics of Territorial Identity.
Studies in European Regionalism, London, Sage, p. 428.
-
See: N. Šantić "Politièki aspekti
društvenog razvoja Istre", Revija za sociologiju, vol 31., N. 3-4/2000,
p. 157-158.
-
The research in 1995 included 531 examinees.
In the research in 1998. the sample was of 813 examinees. For more complete
interpretation of the 1995. research see: Banovac, Boris (1998) Društvena
pripadnost, identitet, teritorij. Sociološko istraživanje regionalne pripadnosti
u Istri, Rijeka: Pravni fakultet.
-
Data refers to research done in
1995. The research carried out in 1998 gave us a similar arrangement of
data. See: B. Banovac: Modernitet, prostor i kostrukcija identiteta,
Revija za sociologiju, vol. 31. n. 3-4, p. 119-120.
|