Prehistory to 999 A.D.
History

Quintus Titus Livius
History of Rome - Ab Urbe Condita

Vol. VI - Book 40
Perseus and Demetrius

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Principio insequentis anni consules praetoresque sortiti prouincias sunt. consulibus nulla praeter Ligures, quae decerneretur, erat. iurisdictio urbana M. Ogulnio Gallo, inter peregrinos M. Ualerio euenit; Hispaniarum Q. Fuluio Flacco citerior, P. Manlio ulterior, L. Caecilio Dentri Sicilia, C. Terentio Istrae Sardinia. dilectus habere consules iussi. Q. Fabius ex Liguribus scripserat Apuanos ad rebellionem spectare, periculumque esse, ne impetum in agrum Pisanum facerent. et ex Hispaniis citeriorem in armis esse et cum Celtiberis bellari sciebant; in ulteriore, quia diu aeger esset praetor, luxuria et otio solutam disciplinam militarem esse. ob ea nouos exercitus conscribi placuit, quattuor legiones in Ligures, uti singulae quina milia et ducenos pedites, trecenos haberent equites, sociorum iisdem Latini nominis quindecim milia peditum addita et octingenti equites. hi duo consulares exercitus essent. scribere praeterea iussi septem milia peditum sociorum ac Latini nominis et quadringentos equites et mittere ad M. Marcellum in Galliam, cui ex consulatu prorogatum imperium erat. in Hispaniam utramque quae ducerentur, quattuor milia peditum ciuium Romanorum et ducenti equites, et sociorum septem milia peditum cum trecentis equitibus scribi iussa. et Q. Fabio Labeoni cum exercitu, quem habebat, in Liguribus prorogatum in annum imperium est.

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The spring of that year was a stormy one. On the eve of the Parilia, about the middle of the day a terrible storm of wind and rain burst and wrecked many sacred and ordinary buildings. It blew down the bronze statues on the Capitol, it carried off the door from the temple of Luna on the Aventine and dashed it against the walls behind the temple of Ceres. Other statues were overturned in the Circus Maximus together with their pedestals. Several sculptures were broken off from the roofs of the temples and ruthlessly shattered. This storm was in consequence regarded as a portent, and the augurs were bidden to direct the necessary expiation for it. A further expiation was demanded in consequence of intelligence brought to Rome of the birth of a mule at Reate with only three feet, and a report from Formiae that the temple of Apollo at Caieta had been struck by lightning. In consequence of these portents twenty full-grown victims were sacrificed and special intercessions offered for one day. From a despatch sent by A. Terentius it was ascertained that P. Sempronius, after more than a year's illness, had died in Further Spain. The praetors were ordered to start for Spain as soon as possible. Legations from overseas were admitted to an audience of the senate. First came those from Eumenes, Pharnaces and the Rhodians. The latter complained of the disaster which had overtaken Sinope. Envoys from Philip and from the Achaeans and Lacedaemonians went to Rome at the same time. After hearing Marcius, who had been sent to ascertain the state of affairs in Greece and Macedonia, the senate gave their reply. The two sovereigns and the Rhodians were informed that the senate would send a commission to look into those matters.

Per eos dies ex litteris A. Terentii propraetoris cognitum P. Sempronium in ulteriore prouincia, cum plus annum aeger fuisset, mortuum esse. eo maturius in Hispaniam praetores iussi proficisci.

Legationes deinde transmarinae in senatum introductae sunt, primae Eumenis et Pharnacis regum et Rhodiorum querentium de Sinopensium clade. Philippi quoque legati et Achaeorum et Lacedaemoniorum sub idem tempus uenerunt. iis prius Marcio audito, qui ad res Graeciae Macedoniaeque uisendas missus erat, responsa data sunt. Asiae regibus ac Rhodiis responsum est legatos ad eas res uisendas senatum missurum.

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Marcius had increased the senate's apprehensions about Philip. He admitted that Philip had carried out the measures insisted upon by the senate, but in such a way that he would obviously continue to do so no longer than he was compelled. There was little doubt that he would recommence war, and all his words and actions pointed in that direction. He transferred almost the entire population from the maritime cities to the district now called Emathia, formerly known as Paeonia, and had handed over those cities to the Thracians and other barbarians for their residence, thinking that these races could be more safely depended upon in case of a war with Rome. This action called forth loud protests throughout Macedonia; few of those who with their wives and children were abandoning their homes bore their grief in silence. Everywhere amongst the crowds of emigrants were heard curses on the king; their anger got the better of their fears. Furious at all this, Philip began to suspect all persons, places and seasons alike, and at last openly avowed that he could only be secure when he had the children of those whom he had put to death arrested and in safe keeping. Then he could put them out of the way from time to time.

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The horror of this deed fanned afresh the flames of hatred against the king. Curses were everywhere heaped upon him and upon his children, and the dire imprecations soon reached the ears of all the gods, so that they drove him into murderous cruelty against his own flesh and blood. Perseus saw that his brother Demetrius was growing more every day in popularity and influence with the mass of his nation and in favour with the Romans, and he felt that no hope remained to him of winning the crown except through the perpetration of a crime, and to its accomplishment he now devoted all his thoughts. He did not think himself strong enough to carry out the purpose which he was hatching in his weak and unmanly mind, and he began to sound his father's friends one by one, dropping dark and dubious hints in his talks with them. Some of them made it appear at first as though they rejected anything of the kind, because they hoped more from Demetrius. But as Philip's bitterness against the Romans, which Perseus encouraged and Demetrius did his utmost to check, became more pronounced every day, they foresaw the ruin of the youth who was taking no precautions against his brother's intrigues. So they at last decided to help on what must inevitably happen and advance the hopes of the stronger by taking the side of Perseus. They left other measures to be carried out at a fitting time, for the present they determined to use all their endeavours to inflame the king against the Romans and induce him to expedite the warlike plans which he was already contemplating. To aggravate the suspicions against Demetrius, they used to bring up the subject of the Romans in their conversations with him. Some would run down their national character and institutions, others spoke lightly of their military achievements, others scoffed at the appearance of the City, its lack of adornment in both public and private buildings, whilst others, again, spoke contemptuously of different public men. The young man, thrown off his guard by his devotion to the name of Rome and his opposition to his brother, defended them in every way, and thus made himself an object of suspicion to his father and laid himself open to charges of disloyalty. The result was that his father excluded him from all consultations on matters relating to Rome and took Perseus entirely into his confidence, discussing these subjects with him day and night.

The envoys whom he had sent to the Bastarnae to summon assistance had returned and brought back with them some young nobles, amongst them some of royal blood. One of these promised to give his sister in marriage to Philip's son, and the king was quite elated at the prospect of an alliance with that nation. Perseus, on this, said to him, "What advantage is there in that? Little protection will there be in foreign support, compared with the danger of domestic treason. We have in our midst a spy, I do not want to call him a traitor; ever since he was a hostage in Rome, the Romans possess his heart and soul, though they have given us back his body. The eyes of almost all Macedonia are turned towards him; they are fully persuaded that they will have none else as king but the one whom the Romans give them." The distempered mind of the old king was made still more uneasy by these words, which he took more seriously than appeared from his looks.

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Then Perseus began: "You think, then, that I ought to have opened the door and admitted the armed revellers and presented my throat to the sword, and beset as I am with plots and treachery, I have to listen to the same language that is addressed to thieves and foot-pads. It is not for nothing that those people say that Demetrius is your only son, whilst they call me supposititious and base-born. They speak to some purpose, for if I possessed in your eyes the rank, the affection due to a son, you would not vent your anger on me when I complain of the plot that has been frustrated, but on him who contrived it, nor would you hold my life so cheap as not to be moved by past dangers or by future dangers, should the plotters escape with impunity. If I am to die without uttering a protest, I would be silent except for a prayer to the gods that the villainy which began with me may end with me, and that my deathblow may not strike you. But if, whilst I see the sword drawn against me, I may be permitted to make my voice heard, then, just as Nature herself prompts those who are surrounded by dangers, with no friend near, to appeal for help to men they have never seen, so I beseech you by the sacred name of father-and you have long felt which of us holds that name most sacred-to grant me the same hearing as you would have done had you been awakened by a cry of alarm at night and gone at my call for help, and actually seen Demetrius with his armed comrades in my vestibule. What would have been my cry of alarm at the actual moment of danger, last night, I am today making the subject of my complaint.

"Brother, for a long time we have not lived together as table-companions. You, in any case, want to be king. This hope of yours is baffled by my seniority, by the right of primogeniture universally recognised, by the time-honoured usage of the Macedonians. You cannot surmount these barriers except through my blood. You are trying every device, every expedient. Hitherto, either my watchfulness or my good luck has stood in the way of your becoming a fratricide. Yesterday, on the occasion of the propitiatory sacrifice, the maneuvers and the sham-fight, you made the fight all but a fatal one, and nothing averted my death but the fact that I allowed my men and myself to be defeated. From that hostile encounter you wanted to inveigle me to your banquet, as though it had been merely brotherly sport. Do you believe, father, that it would have been amongst unarmed guests that I should have banqueted, when they came in arms to banquet with me? Do you believe that I was in no danger from their swords at night, after they had almost killed me with their staves whilst you were looking on? Why, Demetrius, do you come at that hour of the night, why do you come as an enemy to one who is in an angry mood, why do you come accompanied by youths with hidden swords? I did not dare to trust myself to you even as a guest, am I to admit you when you come with an armed band? Had my door been open, you, my father, would now be arranging my funeral obsequies instead of listening to my complaints. "I am not trumping up charges as a prosecutor, nor am I arguing upon questionable evidence. Surely he does not deny that he came to my door with a large crowd, or that he was accompanied by men with concealed swords. Send for the men whose names I give you. Those who have dared so far will go to any lengths, they will not, however, venture upon a denial. If I had caught them in my vestibule with their swords and brought them to you, you would have regarded it as a clear case; take their confession as equivalent to their being caught in the act.

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"Now invoke curses on the eager longing for your crown, awake the furies that avenge a brother's blood, but do not, my father, let your execrations fall blindly. Discern, distinguish between the plotter and the victim of his plots, and let them fall on the guilty head. Let him who intended to kill his brother feel the wrath of his father's gods, let him who was to perish through a brother's crime find shelter in his father's justice and compassion. For where else can I find refuge, when there is no safety either in the ceremonial purification of the army, or in house, or banquet, or in night, nature's boon to mortals for repose? If I had accepted my brother's invitation it would have been my death, if I had admitted my brother inside my doors it would have been my death. I do not escape his murderous designs whether I go or stay. I have sought favour from none, save the gods and you, my father; I have not the Romans to flee to. They are seeking my ruin because I grieve over your wrongs, because I resent your being deprived of so many cities, so many subject nations, and now' of the coastline of Thrace. When neither you nor I are any longer safe they hope that Macedonia will be theirs. If my brother's murderous hand carries me off, if old age carries you off, or even if they do not wait for that, they know that the king and realm of Macedonia will be at their disposal. If the Romans had left you anything beyond the borders of Macedonia, I could even believe that it was left as a harbour of refuge for me.

"But, you say, I have sufficient protection in the Macedonians. You saw how the soldiers attacked me yesterday. What was lacking except a sword? What was lacking in the daytime my brother's guests furnished themselves with at night. Why should I speak about the majority of our leading men who have placed all their hopes of fortune and power on the Romans and on the man who is all-powerful with the Romans? They are not only setting that fellow above me, but very soon they will set him above you, his father and his king. It was out of kindness to him that the Romans remitted the penalty they were going to impose on you; he it is who protects you from the arms of Rome, who thinks it right that you at your age should be at the mercy of his youth. On his side stand the Romans, on his side are all the cities which have been liberated from your rule, on his side are the Macedonians who are happy while there is peace with Rome. Whom have I to trust to but my father, what hope or security is there elsewhere?

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When Perseus had finished, all present looked at Demetrius, expecting him to reply at once. There was a long silence and everybody saw that he was bathed in tears and unable to speak. At length they told him that he must speak, and he was compelled to stifle his grief. So he began: "Everything, my father, on which those who are accused could rely for their defence has been prejudiced by my accuser. The tears which he feigned for the purpose of effecting another's ruin have made you suspect the reality of mine. Ever since my return from Rome he has been hatching secret plots against me day and night with his confederates, and now he deliberately fastens on me the character not only of an intriguer but even of an open assassin. He alarms you with the bugbear of his own danger in order that through you he may hasten the destruction of his unoffending brother. He says that there is no place of refuge for him in the whole world in order that I may have no hope of safety with you. Beset by foes, deserted by friends, destitute of all resources, he loads me with the odium aroused by the favour shown to me by foreigners, which hurts me more than it benefits. How like a common prosecutor has he acted in mixing up his account of last night's events with a bitter attack upon the rest of my life so that he put that incident, which you will see in its true colours, in a suspicious light, by representing the tenor of my life as other than what it is, and bolstering up that false and scandalous description of my hopes and wishes and designs by this fictitious and hollow evidence. And at the same time he tried to make his accusations appear as though they were uttered without preparation, on the spur of the moment, called forth forsooth by the alarm and tumult of the night. But, Perseus, if I were a traitor to my father and the realm, if I were scheming with the Romans or with any of my father's enemies, you ought not to have waited for this trumped-up story of last night's doings, you ought to have accused me of treachery before this. If that accusation as distinct from this one was without any foundation and a proof of your bad feeling towards me, rather than of my guilt, surely it ought to be passed over today and deferred till another occasion, so that the question which of us in a spirit of unheard-of hatred has been intriguing against the other might be decided on its merits. At all events, so far as I am able to do so in this sudden bewilderment, I shall separate what you have confused together, and unveil last night's plot, to show whether you or I were the author of it.

"He wants to make it appear that I formed a design against his life in order, forsooth, that after the removal of the elder brother, to whom by a universally acknowledged right, by the usage of the Macedonians and by your decision, as he says, the future crown belongs, I, the younger son, could step into the place of him whom I had killed. What then is the meaning of that part of his speech in which he says that I curried favour with the Romans and hoped through my reliance on them to come to the throne? For if I believed that the Romans possessed so much influence that they could impose upon the Macedonians whom they would as king, and if I trusted so much to my interest with them, what need was there for me to kill my brother? Was it that I might wear a crown stained with a brother's blood? That I might be execrated and hated by the very men whose favour I have won by a straightforwardness, either sincere or at least assumed, if indeed I have won it? Perhaps you imagine that T. Quinctius, by whose virtuous counsels you say that I am ruled, has instigated me to be my brother's murderer, though he himself lives in such close affection with his own brother. Perseus has brought together in what he said not only my favourable position with the Romans but also the sentiments of the Macedonians and the all but unanimous judgment of gods and men, and owing to all these advantages he professes to believe that he is no match for me. And yet, as though in everything else I were inferior to him, he maintains that I have betaken myself to crime as my last hope. Do you want the issue of the trial to take this form: 'Whichever of the two feared that the other might be thought more worthy of the crown, let him be judged to have formed the design of crushing his brother?'

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"My brother is not accusing me for the first time today, but it is the first time he is doing so openly, though I have done nothing to deserve it. If my father were angry with me it would be your duty, as the elder brother, to intercede for the younger to obtain pardon for my offence in consideration of my youth. Where I ought to find protection, I find a determination to destroy me. I have been dragged away whilst only half-awake from a banquet and a wine party to answer a charge of fratricide. Without advocates, without defending counsel, I am compelled to plead for myself. Had I to plead for another I should have taken time to think out and arrange my speech, and what else would be at stake but my reputation as a skilful pleader? Unaware of the reason for being summoned, I found you in an angry mood, ordering me to defend myself, and my brother making accusations against me. He delivered a carefully prepared and thought-out speech against me; I had only such time as he took to make his accusations in which to learn what the matter at issue was. What was I to do in those few moments, listen to my accuser or think out my defence? Thunderstruck by a danger so sudden and so unlooked for, I could with difficulty understand the charges brought against me, still less could I see the right way of defending myself against them. What hope would there be for me if I had not my father as my judge? If my brother has a greater share of his affection, I, who have to defend myself, ought at all events not to have a less share of his compassion. I am praying you to preserve me in your own interest as well as mine; he demands that you shall put me to death for his own security. What do you think he will do to me when you have left your crown to him, if even now he thinks it right that my life should be sacrificed for him?"

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Tears and sobs prevented him from saying more. Philip ordered them to withdraw, and after a short consultation with his friends gave his decision. He would not, he said, base his judgment of their case upon what they had said, or upon an hour's discussion, but upon an investigation into the life and character of each and a close observation of their language and behaviour on all occasions, important and unimportant alike. Everybody saw from this that whilst the charges arising out of the last night's proceedings were easily disposed of, Demetrius' excessive friendliness with the Romans had aroused suspicion. These incidents which occurred during Philip's lifetime became, so to speak, the seeds of the Macedonian war, which was fought mainly against Philip.

Both the consuls left for Liguria, which was the only consular province, and on account of their successes there thanksgivings were ordered for one day. About 2000 Ligurians came to the extreme frontier of Gaul where Marcellus was encamped, begging him to accept their surrender. Marcellus told them to stay where they were and wait till he had communicated with the senate. The senate instructed the praetor, M. Ogulnius, to inform Marcellus by letter that the consuls whose province it was were better able to decide than they were what course would be most in the interests of the State. At the same time, if Marcellus accepted the surrender of the Ligurians, the senate did not wish their arms to be taken from them and thought it right that they should be sent to the consul. The praetors took up their respective commands at the same time. P. Manlius went to Further Spain, which he had administered in his former praetorship; Q. Fulvius Flaccus proceeded to Hither Spain and took over the army from A. Terentius, for owing to the death of P. Sempronius, Further Spain had been without a magistrate. Whilst Fulvius Flaccus was besieging a Spanish town called Urbicua he was attacked by the Celtiberians. Many fierce actions took place, and there were severe losses in killed and wounded amongst the Romans. No display of force could draw Fulvius away from the siege, and his perseverance finally conquered. Exhausted by so many battles the Celtiberi retired, and the city, now that assistance was withdrawn, was taken in a few days and sacked. The praetor gave the booty to the soldiers. Beyond this capture Fulvius did nothing worth recording, nor did P. Manlius, beyond concentrating his scattered forces. They withdrew their armies into winter quarters. Such was the record of that summer in Spain. Terentius, after giving up his command there, entered the City in ovation. He brought home 9320 pounds of silver, 82 pounds of gold and seven golden crowns weighing 60 pounds.

Consules ambo in Ligures, quae tum una consularis prouincia erat, proficiscuntur. et quia prospere ibi res gesserunt, supplicatio in unum diem decreta est. Ligurum duo milia fere ad extremum finem prouinciae Galliae, ubi castra Marcellus habebat, uenerunt, uti reciperentur, orantes. Marcellus opperiri eodem loco Liguribus iussis senatum per litteras consuluit. senatus rescribere M. Ogulnium praetorem Marcello iussit uerius fuisse consules, quorum prouincia esset, quam se, quid e re publica esset, decernere; tum quoque non placere nisi per deditionem Ligures recipi, et receptis arma adimi atque eos ad consules mitti senatum aequum censere.

Praetores eodem tempore, P. Manlius in ulteriorem Hispaniam, quam et priore praetura prouinciam obtinuerat, Q. Fuluius Flaccus in citeriorem peruenit, exercitumque <ab> A. Terentio accepit: nam ulterior morte P. Sempronii proconsulis sine imperio fuerat. Fuluium Flaccum oppidum Hispanum Urbicnam nomine oppugnantem Celtiberi adorti sunt. dura ibi proelia aliquot facta, multi Romani milites et uulnerati et interfecti sunt. uicit perseuerantia Fuluius, quod nulla ui abstrahi ab obsidione potuit: Celtiberi fessi proeliis uariis abscesserunt. urbs amoto auxilio eorum intra paucos dies capta et direpta est: praedam militibus praetor concessit. Fuluius hoc oppido capto, Manlius exercitu tantum in unum coacto, qui dissipatus fuerat, nulla alia memorabili gesta re, exercitus in hiberna deduxerunt. haec ea aestate in Hispania gesta. Terentius, qui ex ea prouincia decesserat, ouans urbem iniit. translatum argenti pondo nouem milia trecenta uiginti, auri octoginta pondo et duo, coronae aureae [pondo] sexaginta septem.

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In Liguribus nihil postea gestum. recesserant primum in deuios saltus, deinde dimisso exercitu passim in uicos castellaque sua dilapsi sunt. consules quoque dimittere exercitum uoluerunt, ac de ea re patres consuluerunt. alterum ex iis dimisso exercitu ad magistratus in annum creandos uenire Romam iusserunt, alterum cum legionibus suis Pisis hiemare. fama erat Gallos Transalpinos iuuentutem armare, nec, in quam regionem Italiae effusura se multitudo esset, sciebatur. ita inter se consules compararunt, ut Cn. Baebius ad comitia iret, quia M. Baebius frater eius consulatum petebat.

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L. Duronio praetori, cui prouincia Apulia euenerat, adiecta de Bacchanalibus quaestio est, cuius residua quaedam uelut semina ex prioribus malis iam priore anno apparuerant; sed magis inchoatae apud L. Pupium praetorem quaestiones erant quam ad exitum ullum perductae. id persecare nouum praetorem, ne serperet iterum latius, patres iusserunt. et legem de ambitu consules ex auctoritate senatus ad populum tulerunt.

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Philip's first objective was Maedica. From there he marched across the desolate country between Maedica and the Haemus, and in seven days reached the foot of the mountain range. Here he remained encamped for one day to select those whom he was to take with him, and the next day resumed his march. The first part of the ascent did not involve much labour, but as they gained higher ground the country became more wooded and overgrown; and one part of their route was so dark that, owing to the density of the foliage and the interlacing of the branches, the sky was hardly visible. As they approached the crest, everything was veiled in cloud, an uncommon occurrence at great altitudes, and so dense that they found marching as difficult as at night. At last on the third day they reached the summit. After their descent they said nothing to contradict the popular belief; more, I suspect, to prevent the futility of their march from becoming a subject of ridicule than because the widely separated seas and mountains and rivers could really be seen from one spot. They were all distressed by the hardships of the march, the king most of all, owing to his age. He raised two altars there to Jupiter and the Sun, on which he offered sacrifices, and then commenced the descent, which occupied two days, the ascent having taken three. He was afraid of the cold nights, which, though it was the dog-days, were like the cold in winter.

After all the difficulties he had had to contend against during those five days, he found things just as cheerless in his camp, where they were destitute of everything. This was inevitable in a district surrounded on all sides by uninhabited country. After one day in camp to rest the men whom he had taken with him, he hastened into the Dentheletic country at a speed which resembled a flight. This people were his allies, but owing to lack of food the Macedonians plundered them as though they were on enemy soil. Not content with robbing the homesteads, they devastated some of the villages, and it was with feelings of deep shame that the king heard his allies making fruitless appeals to the gods who watch over treaties and invoking his help and protection. Carrying off a supply of corn he returned to Maedica and made an attempt on a city called Petra. He fixed his camp on a plain which extended to the city and sent Perseus with a small force to approach the place from higher ground. With danger threatening them from all sides the townsmen gave hostages and surrendered the place for the time being, but as soon as the army had withdrawn they forgot all about the hostages, deserted their city and fled to their mountain strongholds. Philip returned to Macedonia with his men worn out to no purpose by labours and hardships innumerable, and with his mind filled with suspicions of his son through the cunning and treachery of Didas.

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