|
41.1 |
|
. . . It was said that he called to arms the fighting men whom his father
had kept in peace, and that he was very popular with them, as they were
eager for plunder. The consul held a council of war to discuss the
Histrian
campaign. Some thought it ought to be undertaken at once before the enemy
had time to get his forces together; others considered that the senate
ought first to be consulted. The opinion in favour of prompt action prevailed.
From Aquileia, the consul advanced to the Timavus Lake close to the sea.
C. Furius, one of the two naval commanders, sailed there with ten ships.
He and his colleague were to act against the Illyrian fleet and protect
the coasts of the Upper Sea with twenty ships. Their joint command pivoted
on Ancona; L. Cornelius had the defence of the coast to the right as far
as Tarentum, and C. Furius to the left as far as Aquileia. The ten ships
under Furius had been sent to the nearest harbour on Histrian territory,
together with cargo ships and a large amount of supplies. The consul followed
them with the legions and fixed his camp about five miles from the sea.
A busy market soon sprang up in the harbour, and all supplies were carried
up from the sea to the camp. To render this more secure, pickets were posted
on every side of the camp. On the side facing Histria the emergency cohort
from Placentia was posted permanently; M. Aebutius, one of the military
tribunes, was ordered to take two maniples from the second legion to the
river bank between the camp and the sea to protect the watering-parties;
two other military tribunes, L. and C. Aelius, took the third legion along
the road leading to Aquileia to protect the foraging and wood-cutting troops.
In that direction lay the camp of the Gauls about a mile distant. and in
their chief's absence Catemelus was in command. They did not number more
than 3000 armed men. |
* * a patre in pace habitam armasse
eoque iuuentuti praedandi cupidae pergratus esse dicebatur. consilium de
Histrico bello cum haberet consul, alii gerendum extemplo, antequam contrahere
copias hostes possent, alii consulendum prius senatum censebant. uicit
sententia, quae diem non proferebat. profectus ab Aquileia consul castra
ad lacum Timaui posuit; imminet mari is lacus. eodem decem nauibus C. Furius
duumuir naualis uenit. aduersus Illyriorum classem creati duumuiri nauales
erant, qui tuendae uiginti nauibus maris superi orae Anconam uelut cardinem
haberent; inde L. Cornelius dextra litora usque ad Tarentum, C. Furius
laeua usque ad Aquileiam tueretur. eae naues ad proximum portum in
Histriae
fines cum onerariis et magno commeatu missae, secutusque cum legionibus
consul quinque ferme milia a mari posuit castra. in portu emporium breui
perfrequens factum, omniaque hinc in castra supportabantur. et, quo id
tutius fieret, stationes ab omnibus castrorum partibus circumdatae sunt:
in Histriam uersum praesidium statiuum, repentina cohors Placentina opposita;
inter mare et castra et, ut idem aquatoribus ad fluuium esset praesidium,
M. Aebutius tribunus militum secundae legionis duos manipulos militum ducere
iussus est; T. et C. Aelii tribuni militum legionem tertiam, quae pabulatores
et lignatores tueretur, uia, quae Aquileiam fert, duxerant. ab eadem regione
mille ferme passuum castra erant Gallorum: Catmelus regulus praeerat tribus
haud amplius milibus armatorum. |
|
41.2 |
|
As soon as the Roman army began to move towards the Timavus, the Histri
took up a position in concealment behind a hill and followed it while on
the march, carefully watching for every opportunity; nothing that happened
on sea or land escaped their notice. When they saw that only weak pickets
were posted in front of the camp and that between the camp and the sea
there was a crowd of unarmed traders busy with their traffic and without
any protection either on the land side or towards the sea, they made a
simultaneous attack on the pickets, the Placentian cohort and the maniples
of the second legion. Their movements were at first concealed by an early
morning fog. As this began to disperse under the warm rays of the sun,
the sunshine struggling fitfully through made everything, as it generally
does, look larger to the beholder. In this way the Romans were deceived,
as the hostile army appeared larger than it really was. The men from both
the pickets fled in a great tumult to the camp. The terror they spread
here was greater than the alarm in which they had fled, for they could
not explain why they had fled, nor could they give any answer to those
who questioned them. Shouts were heard from the gates, as there were no
outposts there to make any resistance, and the crowding together of the
soldiers, who were falling over each other in the fog, made it impossible
to know whether the enemy were inside the camp or not. One voice was heard
amongst the cries, calling "To the sea!" and this chance cry started by
one individual resounded everywhere throughout the camp. They began to
run down to the sea, as though acting under orders; at first in small bodies,
some with arms, most of them without; then in larger numbers, till at last
nearly every man had gone, including the consul himself. He was quite powerless
to rally the fugitives; his commands, his authority, his expostulations
were all fruitless. The only officer who remained was M. Licinius Strabo,
a military tribune attached to the second legion, who had left him with
three maniples in their flight. The Histri made their attack on the empty
camp, and after finding no armed resistance, came upon him as he was forming
and encouraging his men in the headquarters tent. The fight was a more
stubborn one than might have been expected from the fewness of the defenders,
and did not come to an end until the tribune and all round him had fallen.
After overturning the headquarters tent and plundering everything in it,
the enemy went on to the quaestor's tent, the forum, and the via quintana.
Here they found an abundant supply of everything laid out in readiness,
and in the quaestor's tent couches arranged for a meal. The chieftain lay
down and began to feast himself; soon all the others, oblivious of any
armed enemy, did the same, and being unused to such good fare, loaded themselves
greedily with wine and food. |
Histri, ut primum ad lacum Timaui
castra Romana sunt mota, ipsi post collem occulto loco consederunt, et
inde obliquis itineribus agmen sequebantur, in omnem occasionem intenti;
nec quicquam eos, quae terra marique agerentur, fallebat. postquam stationes
inualidas esse pro castris, forum turba inermi frequens inter castra et
mare mercantium sine ullo terrestri aut maritimo munimento uiderunt, duo
simul praesidia, Placentinae cohortis et manipulorum secundae legionis,
adgrediuntur. nebula matutina texerat inceptum; qua dilabente ad primum
teporem solis perlucens iam aliquid, incerta tamen, ut solet, lux speciem
omnium multiplicem intuenti reddens, tum quoque frustrata Romanos, multo
maiorem iis, quam erat, hostium aciem ostendit. qua territi utriusque stationis
milites ingenti tumultu cum in castra confugissent, haud paulo ibi plus,
quam quod secum ipsi attulerant, terroris fecerunt. nam neque dicere, quid
fugissent, nec percunctantibus reddere responsum poterant; et clamor in
portis, ut ubi nulla esset statio, quae sustineret impetum, audiebatur;
et concursatio in obscuro incidentium aliorum in alios incertum fecerat,
an hostis intra uallum esset. una uox audiebatur ad mare uocantium; id
forte temere ab uno exclamatum totis passim personabat castris. itaque
primo, uelut iussi id facere, pauci, armati <alii>, maior pars inermes,
ad mare decurrunt, dein plures, postremo prope omnes, et ipse consul, cum
frustra reuocare fugientes conatus nec imperio nec auctoritate nec precibus
ad extremum ualuisset. unus remansit M. Licinius Strabo, tribunus militum
secundae legionis, cum tribus signis ab legione sua relictus. hunc in uacua
castra impetu facto Histri, cum alius armatus iis nemo obuiam isset, in
praetorio instruentem atque adhortantem suos oppresserunt. proelium atrocius
quam pro paucitate resistentium fuit, nec ante finitum est, quam tribunus
militum quique circa eum constiterant interfecti sunt. praetorio deiecto
direptis<que>, quae ibi fuerunt, ad quaestorium, forum quintanamque
hostes peruenerunt. ibi cum omnium rerum paratam expositamque copiam et
stratos lectos in quaestorio inuenissent, regulus accubans epulari coepit.
mox idem ceteri omnes, armorum hostiumque obliti, faciunt; et, ut quibus
insuetus liberalior uictus esset, auidius uino ciboque corpora onerant. |
|
41.3 |
|
Things wore a very different aspect among the Romans. There was confusion
both on land and sea. The marines struck their tents and hurriedly carried
back on board the stores which had been landed on the beach; the soldiers
rushed in panic to the boats at the water's edge; some of the sailors,
afraid of their boats being overcrowded, tried to stop the crowd; others
pushed their boats off into deep water. This resulted in a struggle, and
soon a regular fight began between the soldiers and the sailors-with bloodshed
on both sides-until at the consul's orders the fleet was withdrawn to some
distance from the land. Then he began to separate those who had arms from
those who were without any. There were hardly 1200 out of the whole number
who were still armed; very few of the cavalry were found to have brought
away their horses with them; the rest were a disorderly mob like so many
sutlers and camp-followers, certain to fall a prey to the enemy, if the
enemy had had any idea of fighting. At last, word was sent to recall the
third legion and the Gaulish contingent, and the troops posted round the
camp began to come in determined to recover the camp and remove the stain
of disgrace. The military tribunes of the third legion ordered the loads
of wood and fodder to be thrown off the baggage animals, and commanded
the centurions to place the older men in couples on the mules which had
been relieved of their loads, and the cavalry were each to take one of
the younger men with them on their horses. They told their men that it
would be a most glorious thing for their legion if, by their own valour,
they recovered the camp which had been lost through the faintheartedness
of the second legion. And it easily could be recovered if the barbarians
were suddenly surprised in the midst of their plundering; the camp could
be recaptured just as it had been captured. His words of encouragement
were listened to eagerly by the soldiers, the standards rapidly went forward,
and the legionaries followed without a moment's delay. The first, however,
to approach the rampart were the consul and the troops he was bringing
from the sea. The first tribune of the second legion, with the view of
encouraging his men, pointed out to them that if the barbarians had intended
to hold the camp by the same arms by which they had taken it, they would,
first of all, have followed up their enemy in his flight from his camp
to the sea, and then they would have stationed pickets in front of their
rampart. They were in all probability lying sunk in wine and slumber. |
nequaquam eadem est tum rei forma
apud Romanos; terra mari trepidatur; nautici tabernacula detendunt commeatumque
in litore expositum in naues rapiunt; milites in scaphas et mare territi
ruunt; nautae metu, ne compleantur nauigia, alii turbae obsistunt, alii
ab litore naues in altum expellunt. inde certamen, mox etiam pugna cum
uulneribus et caede in uicem militum nautarumque oritur, donec iussu consulis
procul a terra classis submota est. secernere inde inermes ab armatis coepit.
uix mille ducenti ex tanta multitudine, qui arma haberent, perpauci equites,
qui equos secum eduxissent, inuenti sunt; cetera deformis turba uelut lixarum
calonumque, praeda fere futura, si belli hostes meminissent. tunc demum
nuntius <missus> ad tertiam legionem reuocandam et Gallorum praesidium;
et simul ex omnibus locis ad castra recipienda demendamque ignominiam rediri
coeptum est. tribuni militum tertiae legionis pabulum lignaque proicere
iubent, centurionibus imperant, ut grauiores aetate milites binos in ea
iumenta, ex quibus onera deiecta erant, imponant; equites ut singulos e
iuuenibus pedites secum in equos tollant: egregiam gloriam legionis fore,
si castra metu secundanorum amissa sua uirtute recipiant. et recipi facile
esse, si in praeda occupati barbari subito opprimantur; sicut ceperint,
posse capi. summa militum alacritate adhortatio audita est. ferunt citati
signa, nec signiferos armati morantur. priores tamen consul copiaeque,
quae a mari reducebantur, ad uallum accesserunt. L. Atius, tribunus primus
secundae legionis, non hortabatur modo milites, sed docebat etiam, si uictores Histri, quibus armis cepissent castra, iisdem capta retinere in animo haberent,
primum exutum castris hostem ad mare persecuturos fuisse, deinde stationes
certe pro uallo habituros: uino somnoque ueri simile esse mersos iacere. |
|
41.4 |
|
He thereupon ordered his standard-bearer, A. Baeculonius, a man noted for
his courage, to go forward with his standard. Baeculonius replied that
if they would follow him and his standard they would help him to do so
all the more quickly. He then flung the standard with all his might over
the rampart and was the first to pass through the camp gate. On another
side of the camp the two Aelii, Titus and Caius, came up with the cavalry
of the third legion. They were almost immediately followed by the men mounted
on the baggage animals, and then the consul with the whole of the army.
A few of the Histri who had taken only a moderate amount of wine were careful
to escape; for the rest, sleep was prolonged into death, and the Romans
recovered all their property intact. save the wine and food which had been
consumed. Even the sick who had been left in the camp, finding their comrades
inside the rampart, seized their arms and inflicted great slaughter. A
cavalryman, C. Popilius Sabellus, distinguished himself especially in this
way. He had been left behind with a wounded foot and he slew by far the
greatest number of the enemy. As many as 8000 of the Histri were killed,
not one prisoner was taken, rage and shame made the Romans indifferent
to booty. The King of the Histri, however, drunk as he was, was carried
off hurriedly from the table and lifted by his men on to a horse and so
escaped. Two hundred and thirty-seven of the victors perished; more fell
in the morning rout than in the recapture of the camp. |
sub haec A. Baeculonium, signiferum
suum, notae fortitudinis uirum, inferre signum iussit. ille, si [unum]
se sequerentur, quo celerius fieret, facturum dixit; conisusque cum trans
uallum signum traiecisset, primus omnium portam intrauit. et parte alia
T. et C. Aelii, tribuni militum tertiae legionis, cum equitatu adueniunt.
confestim et quos binos oneraria in iumenta imposuerant secuti, et consul
cum toto agmine. at Histrorum pauci, qui modice uino usi erant, memores
fuerant fugae, aliis somno mors continuata est; integraque sua omnia Romani,
praeterquam quod uini cibique absumptum erat, receperunt. aegri quoque
milites, qui in castris relicti fuerant, postquam intra uallum suos senserunt,
armis arreptis caedem ingentem fecerunt. ante omnes insignis opera fuit
C. Popili equitis; Sabello cognomen erat. is pede saucio relictus longe
plurimos hostium occidit. ad octo milia Histrorum sunt caesa, captus nemo,
quia ira et indignatio immemores praedae fecit. rex tamen
Histrorum temulentus
ex conuiuio, raptim a suis in equum impositus, fugit. ex uictoribus ducenti
triginta septem milites perierunt, plures in matutina fuga quam in recipiendis
castris. |
|
41.5 |
|
Cn. and L. Gavilius Novellus were coming with supplies from Aquileia, and
unaware of what had happened, very nearly entered the camp while it was
in the possession of the Histrians. They left their goods and fled back
to Aquileia, spreading alarm and tumult not only in that city, but in Rome
itself. Reports reached the City, true so far as they told of the capture
of the camp by the enemy and the flight of the defenders, but rumours also
filled the City to the effect that all was lost and the entire army annihilated.
As usual in times of tumult and alarm, an extraordinary levy was ordered
in the City and throughout the length and breadth of Italy. Two legions
of Roman citizens were called up, and from the Latin allies 10,000 infantry
with a complement of 500 cavalry were raised. The consul, M. Junius, was
ordered to go to Gaul and requisition from the communities in that province
as many soldiers as they could each supply. It was decreed that the praetor
Tiberius Claudius should give notice to the men of the fourth legion, the
5000 allied troops and the 250 cavalry to muster at Pisae, and that he
should be responsible for the defence of that province in the consul's
absence. M. Titinius received instructions to order the first legion and
the same number of allied infantry to assemble at Ariminum. Nero, wearing
his paludamentum, left for Pisae; Titinius, after sending C. Cassius, one
of the military tribunes, to take command of the legion at Ariminum, arrived
at Aquileia. There he was informed that the army was safe, and at once
sent a despatch to Rome to allay the tumult and alarm. He then sent back
the contingents which he had requisitioned in Gaul and went to rejoin his
colleague. There was great rejoicing in Rome at the unlooked-for news,
all enrolment of troops was suspended and those who had already taken the
military oath were released from its obligations. The army at Ariminum
which had been suffering from the pestilence was disbanded and sent home.
The Histrians were encamped in great strength not far from the consul's
camp, and when they heard that the other consul had arrived with a fresh
army they everywhere dispersed to their cities. The consuls took the legions
back to Aquileia for their winter quarters. |
forte ita euenit, ut Cn. et L. Gauillii
Nouelli, Aquileienses, cum commeatu uenientes, ignari prope in capta castra
ab Histris inciderent. ii cum Aquileiam relictis impedimentis refugissent,
omnia terrore ac tumultu non Aquileiae modo, sed Romae quoque post paucos
dies inpleuerunt; quo non capta tantum castra ab hostibus nec fuga, quae
uera erant, sed perditas res deletumque exercitum omnem allatum est. itaque,
quod in tumultu fieri solet, dilectus extra ordinem non in urbe tantum,
sed tota Italia indicti. duae legiones ciuium Romanorum conscriptae, et
decem milia peditum cum equitibus quingentis sociis nominis Latini imperata.
M. Iunius consul transire in Galliam et ab ciuitatibus prouinciae eius,
quantum quaeque posset, militum exigere iussus. simul decretum, ut Ti.
Claudius praetor militibus legionis quartae et socium Latini nominis quinque
milibus, equitibus ducentis quinquaginta, Pisas ut conuenirent, ediceret,
eamque prouinciam, dum consul inde abesset, tutaretur; M. Titinius praetor
legionem primam, parem numerum sociorum peditum equitumque, Ariminum conuenire
iuberet. Nero paludatus Pisas in prouinciam est profectus; Titinius C.
Cassio tribuno militum Ariminum, qui praeesset legioni, misso dilectum
Romae habuit. M. Iunius consul ex Liguribus in prouinciam Galliam transgressus,
auxiliis protinus per ciuitates Galliae militibusque coloniis imperatis,
Aquileiam peruenit. ibi certior factus exercitum incolumem esse, scriptis
litteris Romam, ne tumultuarentur, ipse remissis auxiliis, quae Gallis
imperauerat, ad collegam est profectus. Romae magna ex necopinato laetitia
fuit: dilectus omissus est, exauctorati, qui sacramento dixerant, et exercitus,
qui Arimini pestilentia adfectus erat, domum dimissus. Histri magnis copiis
cum castra haud procul consulis castris haberent, postquam alterum consulem
cum exercitu nouo aduenisse audierunt, passim in ciuitates dilapsi sunt.
consules Aquileiam in hiberna legiones reduxerunt. |
|
41.6 |
|
After the Histrian disturbance had at last quieted down, the senate passed
a resolution that the consuls should arrange which of them was to come
to Rome for the election. Two tribunes of the plebs, Licinius Nerva and
C. Papirius Turdus, attacked Manlius in his absence and brought forward
a motion that he should not retain his command after the Ides of March-the
consuls had already had their administrations extended for a year-in order
that he might be brought to trial immediately on quitting office. Their
colleague, Q. Aelius, opposed the motion and after long and violent disputes
prevented it from being carried. On their return from Spain, Tiberius Sempronius
Gracchus and L. Postumius Albinus were received by the senate in the temple
of Bellona. They gave a report of their administration and asked that honours
should be paid to the immortal gods. News came from T. Aebutius, commanding
in Sardinia, of a serious disturbance in that island. The Ilienses, in
conjunction with the Balari, had invaded the province which was at peace,
and owing to the weakened condition of the army, a large number of men
having been carried off by the pestilence, no resistance could be offered.
Envoys from Sardinia came with the same tale; they implored the senate
to send assistance to the cities at all events; it was too late to save
the fields.
It was left to the consuls to decide what reply should be given to these
envoys and to deal with the whole state of things in Sardinia. An equally
tragic story was told by the Lycians, who had come to complain of the cruel
tyranny of the Rhodians, under whose government they had been placed by
L. Cornelius Scipio. They had been formerly under Antiochus and they assured
the senate that their subjection under the king was glorious liberty compared
with their present condition. It was not political oppression only under
which they were suffering, but absolute slavery; they, their wives and
children were the victims of violence; their oppressors vented their rage
on their persons and their backs, their good name was besmirched and dishonoured,
their condition rendered detestable in order that their tyrants might openly
assert a legal right over them and reduce them to the status of slaves
bought with money. Moved by this recital, the senate gave the Lycians a
letter to hand to the Rhodians, intimating that it was not the pleasure
of the senate that either the Lycians or any other men born free should
be handed over as slaves to the Rhodians or any one else. The Lycians possessed
the same rights under the suzerainty and protection of Rhodes that friendly
states possessed under the suzerainty of Rome. |
sedato tandem Histrico tumultu senatus
consultum factum est, ut consules inter se compararent, uter eorum ad comitia
habenda Romam rediret. cum absentem Manlium tribuni plebis <A.> Licinius
Nerua et C. Papirius Turdus in contionibus lacerarent rogationemque promulgarent,
ne Manlius post idus Martias++ prorogatae namque consulibus iam in annum
prouinciae erant++imperium retineret, uti causam extemplo dicere, cum abisset
magistratu, posset, huic rogationi Q. Aelius collega intercessit magnisque
contentionibus obtinuit, ne perferretur. per eos dies Ti. Sempronius Gracchus
et L. Postumius Albinus ex Hispania Romam cum reuertissent, senatus iis
a M. Titinio praetore datus in aede Bellonae ad disserendas res, quas gessissent,
postulandosque honores meritos <et> ut diis immortalibus haberetur honos.
eodem tempore et in Sardinia magnum tumultum esse litteris T. Aebuti praetoris
cognitum est, quas filius eius ad senatum attulerat. Ilienses adiunctis
Balarorum auxiliis pacatam prouinciam inuaserant, nec eis inualido exercitu
et magna parte pestilentia absumpto resisti poterat. eadem et Sardorum
legati nuntiabant orantes, ut urbibus saltem++iam enim agros deploratos
esse++opem senatus ferret. haec legatio totumque, quod ad Sardiniam pertinebat,
ad nouos magistratus reiectum est. aeque miserabilis legatio Lyciorum,
qui crudelitatem Rhodiorum, quibus ab L. Cornelio Scipione attributi erant,
querebantur: fuisse <se> sub dicione Antiochi; eam regiam seruitutem
conlatam cum praesenti statu praeclaram libertatem uisam. non publice tantum
se premi imperio, sed singulos iustum pati seruitium. [iustos] coniuges
liberosque uexari; in corpus, in tergum saeuiri; famam, quod indignum sit,
maculari dehonestarique; et palam res odiosas fieri iuris etiam usurpandi
causa, ne pro dubio habeant, nihil inter se et argento parata mancipia
interesse. motus his senatus litteras Lyciis ad Rhodios dedit, nec Lycios
Rhodiis nec ullos alii cuiquam, qui nati liberi sint, in seruitutem dari
placere; Lycios ita sub Rhodiorum simul imperio et tutela esse, ut in dicione
populi Romani ciuitates sociae sint. |
|
41.7
|
|
The two commanders in Spain now celebrated their triumph; first, Sempronius
Gracchus for his victory over the Celtiberi and their allies, and on the
following day L. Postumius over the Lusitanians and the adjacent tribes.
In Gracchus' procession were borne 40,000 pounds of silver, in that of
Postumius 20,000. Each of the legionaries received 25 denarii, the centurions
twice and the cavalry three times as much, and the allied troops received
the same. The consul, M. Junius, came about this time to Rome for the elections.
Two tribunes of the plebs, Papirius and Licinius, put a multitude of questions
to him in the senate about what had happened in Histria, and then they
brought him before the Assembly. The consul explained that he had not been
in that province more than eleven days and he, like them, only knew by
report what had happened in his absence. Then they asked "why in that case
A. Manlius had not come to Rome, rather than Junius, that he might explain
to the people of Rome why he had left the province of Gaul, which had been
allotted to him, for Histria. When did the senate make a decree or the
Assembly an order for that war? 'Well,' you may say, 'granting that the
war was undertaken on his personal responsibility, still it was conducted
with courage and prudence.' On the contrary it is impossible to say whether
its inception is the more flagitious or its conduct the more reckless.
Two pickets were surprised by the Histrians, a Roman camp was taken and
what troops were in the camp were cut to pieces; all the rest threw away
their arms and fled in disorder to the sea and the ships, the consul himself
above all. He will have to account for all this as an ordinary citizen,
since he will not do so as consul." |
triumphi deinde ex Hispania duo continui
acti. prior Sempronius Gracchus de Celtiberis sociisque eorum, postero
die L. Postumius de Lusitanis aliisque eiusdem regionis Hispanis triumphauit.
quadraginta milia pondo argenti [Ti.] Gracchus transtulit, uiginti milia
Albinus. militibus denarios quinos uicenos, duplex centurioni, triplex
equiti ambo diuiserunt; sociis tantumdem quantum Romanis. per eosdem forte
dies M. Iunius consul ex Histria comitiorum causa Romam uenit. eum cum
in senatu fatigassent interrogationibus tribuni plebis Papirius et Licinius
de iis, quae in Histria essent acta, in contionem quoque produxerunt. ad
quae cum consul se dies non plus undecim in ea prouincia fuisse responderet,
quae se absente acta essent, se quoque, ut illos, fama comperta habere,
exsequebantur deinde quaerentes, quid ita non potius A. Manlius Romam uenisset,
ut rationem redderet populo Romano, cur ex Gallia prouincia, quam sortitus
esset, in Histriam transisset? quando id bellum senatus decreuisset, quando
[id bellum] populus Romanus iussisset? at hercule priuato quidem consilio
bellum susceptum esse, sed gestum prudenter fortiterque. immo, utrum susceptum
sit nequius an inconsultius gestum, dici non posse. stationes duas necopinantes
ab Histris oppressas, castra Romana capta, quod peditum, quod equitum in
castris fuerit <caesum;> ceteros inermes fusosque, ante omnes consulem
ipsum, ad mare ac naues fugisse. priuatum rationem redditurum earum rerum
esse, quoniam consul noluisset. |
|
41.8 |
|
Then came the elections. The new consuls were C. Claudius Pulcher and Ti.
Sempronius Gracchus, and the new praetors, P. Aelius Tubero (for the second
time), C. Quinctius Flamininus, C. Numisius, L. Mummius, Cnaeus Cornelius
Scipio and C. Valerius Laevinus. Tubero received the civic jurisdiction,
Quinctius the alien. Sicily fell to Numisius, and Sardinia to Mummius;
the latter, however, owing to the magnitude of the war, was made a consular
province. Gaul was divided into two provinces and allotted to Scipio and
Laevinus. On the Ides of March, when Sempronius and Claudius entered upon
office, the provinces of Sardinia and Histria and the instigators of war
in those provinces were only informally discussed. On the following day,
the Sardinian deputation, who had been referred to the new consuls, and
L. Minucius Thermus, who had been second in command with the consul Manlius
in Histria, appeared before the senate, and after the information they
gave, the senate realised what a state of war existed in those provinces.
Delegates from the Latin allies, after numberless appeals to the censors
and the late consuls, were at length admitted to an audience of the senate,
and their statement made a great impression. The gist of their complaint
was that their citizens who were on the Roman register had migrated in
great numbers to the City, and if this were allowed it would come to pass
in a very few lustra that the towns and fields would be deserted and incapable
of furnishing any men for the army. The Samnites and Paeligni stated that
4000 families had gone from them to Fregellae, but they were not diminishing
their contingents, nor were the Fregellans increasing theirs. The practice
of individuals changing their citizenship led to two kinds of fraud. The
law allowed those amongst the Latin allies who chose, to become Roman citizens
if they left male progeny behind in the old home. This law was abused to
the injury of the allies and of the Roman people. For in order to avoid
any male descendants being left at home, they gave their children as slaves
to some Roman or other, on condition that they should be manumitted, and
as freedmen become citizens, whilst on the other hand those who had no
male descendants became Roman citizens. Subsequently, even this legal presence
was brushed aside. In defiance of law and without any male descendants
they migrated to Rome and were placed on the City register. The delegates
asked that this might be stopped for the future, and that those who had
migrated should be ordered to return to their homes. They asked further
that a law might be passed making it illegal for any person to adopt or
manumit any one with the view of changing his citizenship, and also require
those who had become Roman citizens by this means to renounce their citizenship.
The senate granted these requests. |
comitia deinde habita. consules creati
C. Claudius Pulcher Ti. Sempronius Gracchus. et postero die praetores facti
P. Aelius Tubero iterum C. Quinctius Flamininus C. Numisius L. Mummius
Cn. Cornelius Scipio C. Ualerius Laeuinus. Tuberoni urbana iurisdictio,
Quinctio peregrina euenit, Numisio Sicilia, Mummio Sardinia; sed ea propter
belli magnitudinem prouincia consularis facta. [Gracchus eam sortitur,
Histriam Claudius.] Scipio et Laeuinus Galliam in duas diuisam prouincias
sortiti sunt. idibus Martiis, quo die Sempronius Claudiusque consulatum
inierunt, mentio tantum de prouinciis Sardinia Histriaque et utriusque
hostibus fuit, qui in his prouinciis bellum conciuissent. postero die legati
Sardorum, qui ad nouos magistratus dilati erant, <et> L. Minucius Thermus,
qui legatus Manli consulis in Histria fuerat, in senatum uenit. ab his
edoctus est senatus, quantum belli eae prouinciae haberent. mouerunt senatum
et legationes socium nominis Latini, quae et censores et priores consules
fatigauerant, tandem in senatum introductae. summa querellarum erat, ciues
suos Romae censos plerosque Romam commigrasse; quod si permittatur, perpaucis
lustris futurum, ut deserta oppida, deserti agri nullum militem dare possint.
Fregellas quoque milia quattuor familiarum transisse ab se Samnites Paelignique
querebantur, neque eo minus aut hos aut illos in dilectu militum dare.
genera autem fraudis duo mutandae uiritim ciuitatis inducta erant. lex
sociis [ac] nominis Latini, qui stirpem ex sese domi relinquerent, dabat,
ut ciues Romani fierent. ea lege male utendo alii sociis, alii populo Romano
iniuriam faciebant. nam et ne stirpem domi relinquerent, liberos suos quibuslibet
Romanis in eam condicionem, ut manu mitterentur, mancipio dabant, libertinique
ciues essent; et quibus stirps deesset, quam relinquerent, ut ciues Romani
* * fiebant. postea his quoque imaginibus iuris spretis, promiscue sine
lege, sine stirpe in ciuitatem Romanam per migrationem et censum transibant.
haec ne postea fierent, petebant legati, et ut redire in ciuitates iuberent
socios; deinde ut lege cauerent, ne quis quem ciuitatis mutandae causa
suum faceret neue alienaret; et si quis ita ciuis Romanus factus esset,
<ciuis ne esset>. haec impetrata ab senatu. |
|
41.9 |
|
The senate then decreed that the provinces which were in a state of war -
Sardinia
and Histria - should be assigned to the consuls. Two legions were ordered
to be raised for Sardinia, each consisting of 5200 infantry and 300 cavalry;
the Latin allies were to supply 12,000 infantry and 600 cavalry. In case
the consul wished to take ships from the dockyard, ten quinqueremes were
placed at his disposal. The same strength of infantry and cavalry was decreed
for Histria as for Sardinia. The consuls also received instructions to
despatch a force of one legion with its complement of cavalry and 5000
infantry and 250 cavalry from the allies to M. Titinius in Spain. Before
the consuls balloted for their provinces various portents were reported.
A stone fell from the sky into the grove of Mars in the Crustumerian district;
on Roman land a boy was born without all his limbs, and a four-footed snake
was seen; at Capua numerous buildings in the forum were struck by lightning;
at Puteoli two shops had been set on fire by a similar stroke. While these
were being reported, a wolf entered the City by the Colline Gate in broad
daylight and was chased till it escaped through the Esquiline Gate, amidst
great excitement on the part of its pursuers. In consequence of these portents
the consuls sacrificed full-grown victims, and there were special intercessions
at all the shrines for one day. When the religious rites had been duly
performed the consuls drew for their provinces. Histria fell to Claudius,
Sardinia to Sempronius. Then, in accordance with the resolution of the
senate, the consul C. Claudius carried a measure in which it was ordered
that those of the Latin allies who themselves or whose ancestors had been
registered among the Latin allies during the censorship of M. Claudius
and T. Quinctius or subsequently, should all return to their cities before
November 1. The praetor L. Mummius was charged to enquire into the cases
of those who had not returned by that date. In addition to this new law,
and the consul's edict enforcing it, a resolution was passed by the senate
ordering that whenever any one of them was manumitted and publicly declared
to be free, the dictator, consul, interrex, censor or praetor for the time
being should put the manumitter on his oath that he was not doing it for
the purpose of altering his citizenship; in case he refused to take the
oath the senate would declare the manumission invalid. This resolution
was to guide all future proceedings. |
prouinciae deinde, quae in bello erant,
Sardinia atque Histria <consulibus> decretae. in Sardiniam duae legiones
scribi iussae, quina milia in singulas et duceni pedites, treceni equites,
et duodecim milia peditum sociorum ac Latini nominis et sescenti equites
et decem quinqueremes naues, si deducere ex naualibus uellet. tantumdem
peditum equitumque in Histriam, quantum in Sardiniam, decretum. et legionem
unam cum equitibus trecentis, et quinque milia peditum sociorum et ducentos
quinquaginta mittere equites in Hispaniam consules ad M. Titinium iussi.
priusquam consules prouincias sortirentur, prodigia nuntiata sunt: lapidem
in agro Crustumino in lucum Martis de caelo cecidisse; puerum trunci corporis
in agro Romano natum et quadrupedem anguem uisum; et Capuae multa in foro
aedificia de caelo tacta; et Puteolis duas naues fulminis ictu concrematas
esse. inter haec, quae nuntiabantur, lupus etiam Romae interdiu agitatus,
cum Collina porta intrasset, per Esquilinam magno consectantium tumultu
euasit. eorum prodigiorum causa consules maiores hostias immolarunt, et
diem unum circa omnia puluinaria supplicatio fuit. sacrificiis rite perfectis
prouincias sortiti sunt; Claudio Histria, Sempronio Sardinia obuenit. legem
dein de sociis C. Claudius tulit <ex> senatus consulto et edixit, qui
socii [ac] nominis Latini, ipsi maioresue eorum, M. Claudio T. Quinctio
censoribus postue ea apud socios nominis Latini censi essent, ut omnes
in suam quisque ciuitatem ante kal. Nouembres redirent. quaestio, qui ita
non redissent, L. Mummio praetori decreta est. ad legem et edictum consulis
senatus consultum adiectum est, ut dictator, consul, interrex, censor,
praetor, qui nunc esset <quiue postea futurus esset>, apud eorum quem
<qui> manu mitteretur, in libertatem uindicaretur, ut ius iurandum daret,
qui eum manu mitteret, ciuitatis mutandae causa manu non mittere; in quo
id non iuraret, eum manu mittendum non censuerunt. haec in posterum cauta
iussique edicto C. Claudi cons. * * * Claudio decreta est. |
|
41.10 |
|
M. Junius and A. Manlius, the ex-consuls who had been in winter quarters
at Aquileia, led their army into Histria at the commencement of spring.
They carried their ravages far and wide, and the Histrians were animated
much more by indignation and rage at the loss of their property than by
any certain hope that they would be strong enough to meet two consular
armies. From all the tribes their fighting men collected into a hastily
levied tumultuary force, and they displayed much more impetuosity in beginning
a battle than steadfastness in keeping it up. Four thousand of them fell
on the field; the rest abandoned all resistance and dispersed to their
cities. From these cities delegates were sent to the Roman camp to sue
for peace, and on being required to give hostages they sent them. When
this became known in Rome through despatches from the proconsuls, C. Claudius,
fearing lest this success should rob him of his province and his army,
went off post-haste to his province without offering the customary prayers,
unattended by his lictors and in the dead of night, his colleague being
the only one who was aware of his intention. His conduct after his arrival
was more ill-advised even than the way in which he had started for his
province. Addressing the assembled troops, he taunted Manlius with his
flight from the camp, to the intense annoyance of the soldiers, since it
was they who began the flight, and then he attacked M. Junius for associating
himself with his colleague's disgrace, and ended by ordering them both
to quit the province. They promised that they would obey his order as soon
as he had made his departure from the City in the traditional way, after
the customary prayers in the Capitol, and attended by his lictors in their
official dress. Claudius, beside himself with rage, called the official
who was acting as quaestor to Manlius to bring fetters, and threatened
to send both Manlius and Junius in chains to Rome. This officer also ignored
the consul's authority, and their determination not to obey was strengthened
by the way the army supported their commanders and resented the conduct
of Claudius. At last the consul, overborne by the insults and jeers of
individual soldiers, and the ridicule (for they actually laughed at him)
of the whole army, returned to Aquileia in the same vessel in which he
had come. From there he sent word to his colleague to warn that portion
of the new levies which had been raised for service in Histria to assemble
at Aquileia, so that nothing might detain him in Rome or prevent him from
leaving the City, with due formalities, offering the customary prayers
and wearing the paludamentum. His colleague carried out his instructions
and ordered the troops to assemble at an early date at Aquileia. Claudius
almost overtook his letter. On his arrival he convened the Assembly and
laid before it the case of Manlius and Junius. His stay in Rome only lasted
three days, and then, in full state with lictors and paludamentum, after
offering up prayers in the Capitol, he departed for his province with quite
as much precipitancy as before. |
dum haec Romae geruntur, M. Iunius
et A. Manlius, qui priore anno consules fuerant, cum Aquileiae hibernassent,
principio ueris in finis Histrorum exercitum introduxerunt; ubi cum effuse
popularentur, dolor magis et indignatio diripi res suas cernentis
Histros,
quam certa spes, satis sibi uirium aduersus duos exercitus <esse>, exciuit.
concursu ex omnibus populis iuuentutis facto repentinus et tumultuarius
exercitus acrius primo impetu quam perseuerantius pugnauit. ad quattuor
milia eorum in acie caesa; ceteri omisso bello in ciuitates passim diffugerunt.
inde legatos primum ad pacem petendam in castra Romana, deinde obsides
imperatos miserunt. haec cum Romae cognita litteris proconsulum essent,
C. Claudius consul ueritus, ne forte eae res prouinciam <et> exercitum
sibi adimerent, non uotis nuncupatis, non paludatis lictoribus, uno omnium
certiore facto collega, nocte profectus, praeceps in prouinciam abiit;
ubi inconsultius quam uenerat se gessit. nam cum contione aduocata fugam
e castris A. Manlio aduersis auribus militum, quippe qui primi ipsi fugissent,
obiectasset <et> ingessisset probra M. Iunio, quod se dedecoris socium
collegae fecisset, ad extremum utrumque decedere prouincia iussit. <ad>
quod cum illi tum consulis imperio dicto audientes futuros esse dicerent,
cum is more maiorum, secundum uota in Capitolio nuncupata, lictoribus paludatis
profectus ab urbe esset, furens ira uocatum, qui pro quaestore Manli erat,
catenas poposcit, uinctos se Iunium Manliumque minitans Romam missurum.
ab eo quoque spretum consulis imperium est; et circumfusus exercitus, fauens
imperatorum causae et consuli infestus, animos ad non parendum addebat.
postremo fatigatus consul et contumeliis singulorum et multitudinis++nam
insuper inridebant++ludibriis, naue eadem, qua uenerat, Aquileiam redit.
inde collegae scripsit, ut militum nouorum ei parti, quae scripta in
Histriam
prouinciam esset, ediceret, Aquileiam ut conueniret, ne quid se Romae teneret,
quo minus uotis nuncupatis paludatus ab urbe exiret. haec a collega obsequenter
facta, breuisque dies ad conueniendum edicta est. Claudius prope consecutus
est litteras suas. contione adueniens de Manlio et Iunio habita, non ultra
triduum moratus Romae, paludatis lictoribus uotisque in Capitolio nuncupatis,
in prouinciam aeque ac prius praecipiti celeritate abit. |
|
41.11 |
|
A few days before his arrival Junius and Manlius began a determined attack
on the town of Nesactium, to which place the chiefs of the
Histri, with
their king, Aepulo, had retired. Claudius brought up the two newly-raised
legions, and after disbanding the old army with its generals, invested
the town and proceeded to attack it with the vineae. There was a river
flowing past the town which impeded the assailants and furnished water
to the Histrians. After many days' work he diverted this river into a new
channel, and the cutting off of their water-supply as though by a miracle
greatly alarmed the natives. Even then they had no thought of suing for
peace; they made up their minds to murder their women and children, and
that this horrid deed might be a spectacle to the enemy, they butchered
them openly on the walls and then flung them down. Amidst the shrieks of
the women and children and the unspeakable horrors of the massacre, the
Romans surmounted the walls and entered the town. When the king heard the
terrified cries of those who fled, and understood from the tumult that
the place was taken, he stabbed himself that he might not be taken alive.
The rest were either killed or made prisoners. This was followed by the
storming and destruction of two other towns, Mutila and Faveria. The booty,
considering the poverty of the natives, surpassed expectations, and the
whole of it was given to the soldiers; 5632 persons were sold as slaves.
The prime instigators of the war were scourged and beheaded. The extermination
of these three towns and the death of the king led to peace throughout Histria; all the tribes made their submission and gave hostages. |
paucis ante diebus Iunius Manliusque
oppidum Nesattium, quo se principes
Histrorum et regulus ipse Aepulo receperat,
summa ui oppugnare coeperant. eo Claudius duabus legionibus nouis adductis,
uetere exercitu cum suis ducibus dimisso, ipse oppidum circumsedit et uineis
oppugnare intendit, amnemque praeterfluentem moenia, qui et impedimento
oppugnantibus erat et aquationem Histris praebebat, multorum dierum opere
exceptum nouo alueo auertit. ea res barbaros miraculo terruit abscisae
aquae: et ne tum quidem memores pacis, in caedem coniugum ac liberorum
uersi, etiam ut spectaculo hostibus tam foedum facinus esset, palam in
muris trucidatos praecipitabant. inter simul complorationem feminarum puerorumque,
simul nefandam caedem, milites transgressi murum oppidum intrarunt. cuius
capti tumultum ubi ex pauido clamore fugientium accepit rex, traiecit ferro
pectus, ne uiuus caperetur; ceteri capti aut occisi. duo deinde oppida,
Mutila et Faueria, ui capta et deleta. praeda, ut in gente inopi, spe maior
fuit, et omnis militibus concessa est. quinque milia capitum sescenta triginta
duo sub corona uenierunt. auctores belli uirgis caesi et securi percussi.
Histria tota trium oppidorum excidio et morte regis pacata est; omnesque
undique populi obsidibus datis in dicionem uenerunt. sub
Histrici finem
belli apud Ligures concilia de bello haberi coepta. |
|
41.12 |
|
Just after the Histrian war had come to an end the Ligurians began to hold
councils of war. Tiberius Claudius, who had been praetor the previous year
and was now acting as proconsul, was in command of Pisae with one legion
He reported the movement in Liguria to the senate, and they decided to
send his despatch on to C. Claudius, for the other consul had landed in
Sardinia, and they authorised him to transfer his army, if he thought it
advisable now that Histria was quiet, to Liguria. After receiving the consul's
report of his operations in Histria a two days' thanksgiving was decreed.
The other consul, Tiberius Sempronius, was equally successful in Sardinia.
He marched into the Ilian country, and finding a large body of Balari had
come to the assistance of the Ilians, he fought a pitched battle with the
two tribes. The enemy were routed, put to flight and driven out of their
camp, 12,000 men being killed. The consul ordered all the arms to be collected
on the following day and thrown into one heap. He then burnt them as an
offering to Vulcan. The victorious army retired into winter quarters in
the friendly cities. On receipt of Tiberius Claudius' despatch and the
instructions of the senate, Caius Claudius led his legions into Liguria.
The enemy had come down into the plains and was encamped by the river Scultenna.
A battle took place there; 15,000 were killed and over 700 were made prisoners,
either on the battlefield or in the camp-for this was stormed-and 51 military
standards taken. The Ligurians who survived this slaughter fled to the
mountains, and no resistance was met with anywhere by the consul as he
traversed the level country plundering and devastating their fields. After
winning victories over two nations and reducing two provinces to submission
during his year of office - a thing which very few have done - Claudius returned
to Rome. |
Ti. Claudius proconsul, qui praetor
priore anno fuerat, cum praesidio legionis unius Pisis praeerat. cuius
litteris senatus certior factus, eas ipsas litteras ad C. Claudium++nam
alter consul iam in Sardiniam traiecerat++deferendas censet et adicit decretum,
quoniam Histria prouincia confecta esset, si ei uideretur, exercitum traduceret
in Ligures. simul ex litteris consulis, quas de rebus in
Histria gestis
scripserat, in biduum supplicatio decreta. et <ab> altero consule Ti.
Sempronio in Sardinia prospere res gesta. exercitum in agrum Sardorum Iliensium
induxit. Balarorum magna auxilia Iliensibus uenerant; cum utraque gente
signis conlatis conflixit. fusi fugatique hostes castrisque exuti, duodecim
milia armatorum caesa. postero die arma lecta conici in aceruum iussit
consul sacrumque id Uulcano cremauit. uictorem exercitum in hiberna sociarum
urbium reduxit. et C. Claudius litteris Ti. Claudi et senatus consulto
accepto ex Histria legiones in Ligures transduxit. ad Scultennam flumen
in campos progressi castra habebant hostes, ibi cum iis acie dimicatum.
quindecim milia caesa, plus septingenti aut in proelio aut in castris++
nam ea quoque expugnata sunt++capti, et signa militaria unum et quinquaginta
capta. Ligures, reliquiae caedis, in montes refugerunt, passimque populanti
campestris agros consuli nulla usquam apparuerunt arma. Claudius duarum
gentium uno anno uictor, duabus, quod raro alius, in consulatu pacatis
prouinciis Romam reuertit. |
|
41.13 |
|
Some portents were reported this year. Near Crustumerium an osprey cut
a sacred stone with its beak; in Campania a heifer spoke; a brazen image
of a cow in Syracuse was mounted by a bull which had strayed from the herd.
Special intercessions were offered on the spot at Crustumerium, and the
heifer in Campania was to be kept at the public cost. The portent at Syracuse
was expiated by sacrifices to the deities who were named by the haruspices.
One of the pontiffs, M. Claudius Marcellus, died this year. He had been
consul and also censor. His son, M. Marcellus, was appointed pontiff in
his place. Two thousand Roman citizens were settled as colonists at Luna
under the supervision of P. Aelius, M. Aemilius Lepidus and Cnaeus Sicinius.
Fifty-one and a half jugera were allotted to each colonist. The land had
been taken from the Ligurians; it had previously been in the possession
of the Etruscans.
[breaking points/text between
this section and next is uncertain]
After his return to the City the consul C. Claudius made his report to
the senate of his victories in Histria and
Liguria, and at his request, a triumph was decreed to him. Whilst still in
office he celebrated a double triumph over the two nations. In the procession
were carried 307,000 denarii and 85,702 "victoriati." To each legionary were
given fifteen denarii, double the amount to the centurions, and treble to the
cavalry.
|
prodigia eo anno nuntiata: in Crustumino auem sanqualem, quam
uocant, sacrum lapidem rostro cecidisse, bouem in Campania locutam, uaccam
aeneam Syracusis ab agresti tauro, qui a pecore aberrasset, initam ac semine
adspersam. in Crustumino diem unum in ipso loco supplicatio fuit, et in Campania
bos alenda publice data, Syracusanumque prodigium expiatum editis ab
haruspicibus dis, quibus supplicaretur. pontufex eo anno mortuus est M. Claudius
Marcellus, qui consul censorque fuerat. in eius locum suffectus est pontifex
filius eius M. Marcellus. et Lunam colonia eodem anno duo milia ciuium Romanorum
sunt deducta. triumuiri deduxerunt P. Aelius <M. Aemilius> Lepidus Cn.
Sicinius; quinquagena et singula iugera et semisses agri in singulos dati sunt.
de Liguribus captus ager erat; Etruscorum ante quam Ligurum fuerat. C. Claudius
consul ad urbem uenit; cui, cum in senatu de rebus in Histria
Liguribusque prospere gestis <disseruisset>, postulanti triumphus est
decretus. triumphauit in magistratu de duabus simul gentibus. tulit in eo
triumpho denarium trecenta septem milia et uictoriatum octoginta quinque milia
septingentos duos. militibus in singulos quini deni denarii dati, duplex
centurioni, triplex equiti. sociis dimidio minus quam ciuibus datum. itaque
taciti, ut iratos esse sentires, secuti sunt currum. |
|
41.14 |
|
The allied
troops received only half as much, and by way of showing their anger, they
followed the victor's chariot in silence. Whilst the new consuls were each
sacrificing an ox to Jupiter on the day of their entering upon office,
the victim which Q. Petilius was sacrificing was defective; there was no
head to the liver visible. He reported this to the senate, and they ordered
him to go on sacrificing until the victim gave a favourable omen. The provinces
were then discussed, and the senate decreed that Pisae and Liguria should
be the consular provinces, and the one to whom the ballot gave Pisae was
ordered to return and hold the elections when the time for them arrived.
They further decreed that the consuls should raise two new legions and
300 cavalry with each, and from the Latin allies 10,000 infantry and 600
cavalry. Ti. Claudius retained his command till the new consul arrived
in his province. |
<cum is> triumphus de Liguribus agebatur, Ligures postquam
senserunt non consularem tantum exercitum Romam abductum, sed legionem ab Ti.
Claudio Pisis dimissam, soluti metu, clam exercitu indicto, per transuersos
limites superatis montibus in campos degressi, agrum Mutinensem populati,
repentino impetu coloniam ipsam ceperunt. id ubi Romam allatum est, senatus C.
Claudium consulem comitia primo quoque tempore habere iussit creatisque in annum
magistratibus in prouinciam redire et coloniam ex hostibus eripere. ita, uti
censuit senatus, comitia habita. consules creati Cn. Cornelius Scipio Hispallus
Q. Petilius Spurinus. praetores inde facti M. Popilius Laenas P. Licinius
Crassus M. Cornelius Scipio L. Papirius Maso M. Aburius L. Aquilius Gallus. C.
Claudio consuli prorogatum in annum imperium et Gallia prouincia; et ne
Histri
idem, quod et Ligures, facerent, socios nominis Latini in
Histriam
mitteret, quos triumphi causa de prouincia deduxisset. Cn. Cornelio et Q.
Petilio consulibus, quo die magistratum inierunt, immolantibus Ioui singulis
bubus, uti solet, in ea hostia, qua Q. Petilius sacrificauit, in iocinere caput
non inuentum. id cum ad senatum rettulisset, boue perlitare iussus. de
prouinciis deinde consultus senatus Pisas et Ligures prouincias consulibus
decreuit; cui Pisae prouincia obuenisset, cum magistratuum creandorum tempus
esset, ad comitia reuerti iussit. additum decreto, ut binas legiones nouas
scriberent et trecenos equites; et dena milia peditum sociis nominique Latino et
sescenos imperarent equites. Ti. Claudio prorogatum est imperium in id tempus,
quo in prouinciam consul uenisset. |
|
41.15 |
|
While this business was being transacted in the senate, Cnaeus Cornelius
was called out by an apparitor, and left the House. On his return he was
visibly perturbed, and explained that the liver of the ox which he had
sacrificed had disappeared. When the victimarius reported this to him he
did not believe it, and he ordered the water in which the entrails were
being boiled to be poured out from the cauldron. He saw every other portion
of the victim complete, but in some unaccountable way the liver had been
consumed. The senators were much alarmed at this ominous incident, and
their alarm was intensified by the other consul's statement that after
the appearance of the defective liver he had sacrificed three oxen in succession
without getting any favourable indication. The senate ordered them both
to go on sacrificing until the omens were favourable. It is said that favourable
omens were at last observed in the case of all the other deities, but not
in the case of Salus, to whom Petilius was sacrificing.
The consuls and praetors now balloted for their provinces. Pisae fell
to Cnaeus Cornelius, Liguria to Petilius, the City jurisdiction to L. Papirius
Maso, the alien to M. Aburius. M. Cornelius Scipio Maluginensis had Further
Spain, and L. Aquilius Gallus received Sardinia. Two asked to be excused
from going to their provinces. M. Popilius alleged as a reason for his
not going to Sardinia that Gracchus was pacifying that province and that
the praetor T. Aebutius was, by direction of the senate, helping him in
this task. It was, he said, most inconvenient for a line of policy to be
interrupted when its success mainly depends upon its continuance in the
same hands. During the transfer of authority and the time required by the
new man to learn the condition of affairs before taking any action, many
an opportunity of achieving success is lost. The senate allowed his excuse.
P. Licinius Crassus, to whom Hither Spain had fallen, alleged that he was
prevented by his religious duties. However, he was ordered either to go
or to take an oath before the Assembly that he was prevented by his religious
duties. When the case of P. Licinius had been settled in this way, M. Cornelius
Scipio asked them to accept his oath also, that he might not have to go
to Further Spain. These two praetors both took the same oath. M. Titinius
and T. Fonteius, who were in charge of that province as proconsuls, were
ordered to remain in Spain with the same authority as before and reinforcements
were to be sent to them-3000 Roman citizens and 200 cavalry, with 5000
infantry and 300 cavalry from the allies. |
dum de iis rebus <in> senatu
agitur, Cn. Cornelius euocatus a uiatore, cum templo egressus esset, paulo
post redit confuso uultu et exposuit patribus conscriptis bouis sescenaris,
quem immolauisset, iocur diffluxisse. id se uictimario nuntianti parum
credentem ipsum aquam effundi ex olla, ubi exta coquerentur, iussisse et
uidisse ceteram integram partem extorum, iecur omne inenarrabili tabe absumptum.
territis eo prodigio patribus et alter consul curam adiecit, qui se, quod
caput iocineri defuisset, tribus bubus perlitasse negauit. senatus maioribus
hostiis usque ad litationem sacrificari iussit. ceteris diis perlitatum
ferunt; Saluti Petilium perlitasse negant. inde consules praetoresque prouincias
sortiti. Pisae Cn. Cornelio, Ligures <Q.> Petilio obuenerunt. praetores
L. Papirius Maso urbanam, M. Aburius inter peregrinos sortiti sunt. M.
Cornelius Scipio Maluginensis Hispaniam ulteriorem, L. Aquilius Gallus
Siciliam habuit. duo deprecati sunt, ne in prouincias irent, M. Popilius
in Sardiniam: Gracchum eam prouinciam pacare; ei T. Aebutium praetorem
adiutorem ab senatu datum esse. interrumpi tenorem rerum, in quibus peragendis
continuatio ipsa efficacissima esset, minime conuenire; inter traditionem
imperii nouitatemque successoris, quae noscendis prius quam agendis rebus
inbuenda sit, saepe bene gerendae rei occasiones intercidere. probata Popilii
excusatio est. P. Licinius Crassus sacrificiis se impediri sollemnibus
excusabat, ne in prouinciam iret; <ei> citerior Hispania obuenerat.
ceterum aut ire iussus aut iurare pro contione sollemni sacrificio se prohiberi.
id ubi in P. Licinio ita statutum est, et ab se uti iusiurandum acciperent
M. Cornelius postulauit, ne in Hispaniam ulteriorem iret. praetores ambo
in eadem uerba iurarunt. M. Titinius et <T.> Fonteius proconsules manere
cum eodem imperii iure in Hispania iussi; et ut in supplementum his tria
milia ciuium Romanorum cum equitibus ducentis, quinque milia socium Latini
nominis et trecenti equites mitterentur. |
|
41.16 |
|
The Latin Festival took place on March 5, and something occurred to mar
its celebrations; the magistrate of Lanuvium omitted to pray over one of
the victims for "the Roman people of the Quirites." This irregularity was
reported to the senate and by them referred to the college of pontiffs.
The pontiffs decided that the Latin Festival not having been properly and
duly celebrated must be observed anew, and that the people of Lanuvium,
whose fault made the renewal necessary, should provide the victims. A fresh
misfortune increased the general uneasiness. The consul Cn. Cornelius,
whilst returning from the Alban Mount, fell from his horse and was partially
crippled. He went to the Baths of Cumae, but became gradually worse and
died at Cumae. The body was brought to Rome and received a magnificent
funeral. He had also been a pontiff. Orders were given to the consul Q.
Petilius to hold an election-as soon as he obtained favourable omens from
the sacrifices-to provide him with a colleague and also to proclaim the
Latin Festival. He fixed the election for the 3rd and the Latin Festival
for the 11th of August.
Whilst men's minds were thus filled with religious fears, fresh portents
were announced. At Tusculum a burning brand was seen in the sky; at Gabii
the temple of Apollo and several private buildings were struck by lightning,
as also were the wall and one of the gates at Graviscae. The senate ordered
such measures to be taken as the pontiffs should direct. During this time,
whilst the two consuls were pre-occupied with matters of religion, and
then the death of one of them and the duty thrown upon the other of electing
his successor, and also of presiding at the Latin Festival, created further
delay, C. Claudius brought his army up to Mutina, which the Ligurians had
taken the year before. After a three days' assault he recaptured the place
and restored it to the colonists; 8000 Ligurians were killed inside the
walls. He promptly sent a despatch to Rome in which he gave an account
of his operations and boasted that owing to his good fortune and ability
there was no longer any enemy to Rome on this side the Alps, and that a
considerable quantity of land had been acquired which could be distributed
amongst many thousands of colonists. |
Latinae feriae fuere ante diem tertium
nonas Maias, in quibus quia in una hostia magistratus Lanuuinus precatus
non erat populo Romano Quiritium, religioni fuit. id cum ad senatum relatum
esset senatusque ad pontificum collegium reiecisset, pontificibus, quia
non recte factae Latinae essent, instaurari Latinas placuit, Lanuuinos,
quorum opera instaurandae essent, hostias praebere. accesserat ad religionem,
<quod> Cn. Cornelius consul ex monte Albano rediens concidit et, parte
membrorum captus, ad Aquas Cumanas profectus ingrauescente morbo Cumis
decessit. sed inde mortuus Romam adlatus et funere magnifico elatus sepultusque
est. pontifex idem fuerat. consul Q. Petilius cum primum per auspicia posset,
collegae subrogando comitia habere iussus et Latinas edicere, comitia in
<ante> diem tertium nonas Sextiles, <Latinas> in ante diem tertium
idus Sextiles edixit. plenis religionum animis prodigia insuper nuntiata:
Tusculi facem in caelo uisam, Gabiis aedem Apollinis et priuata aedificia
conplura, Grauiscus murum portamque de caelo tacta. ea patres procurari,
uti pontifices censuissent, iusserunt. dum consules primum religiones,
deinde alterum alterius mors et comitia et Latinarum instauratio inpediunt,
interim C. Claudius exercitum ad Mutinam, quam Ligures priore anno ceperant,
admouit. intra triduum, quam oppugnare coeperat, receptam ex hostibus colonis
restituit. octo milia ibi Ligurum intra muros caesa; litteraeque Romam
extemplo scriptae, quibus non modo rem exponeret, sed etiam gloriaretur
sua uirtute ac felicitate neminem iam cis Alpis <esse> hostem populi
Romani, agrique aliquantum captum, qui multis milibus hominum diuidi uiritim
posset. |
|
41.17 |
|
After many successful actions Ti. Sempronius finally subjugated Sardinia;
15,000 natives were killed and all the revolting tribes were forced into
submission. Those who had before paid the tax had now to pay double; the
rest paid in corn. After peace was established in the province and hostages
taken from all parts of the island-230 in all-a deputation was sent to
Rome to announce the subjection of the island and to ask the senate that
honours should be paid to the immortal gods for the success achieved under
the leadership and auspices of Ti. Sempronius, and that he himself might
be allowed to bring away his army with him when he left the province. The
senate received the deputation with their report in the temple of Apollo
and decreed a two days' thanksgiving; the consuls were also ordered to
offer forty sacrifices of the larger victims. Ti. Sempronius was to remain
in the province with his army as proconsul. The election to fill the vacancy
in the consulship took place on the appointed day, August 3. C. Valerius
Laevinus was chosen as colleague to Q. Petilius and was to enter upon his
consulship at once. He had long been anxious to obtain a province and most
opportunely for his wishes a despatch reached Rome saying that the Ligurians
had begun another war. On receipt of this intelligence the senate ordered
his immediate departure, and he left the City, wearing the paludamentum,
on August 5. The third legion was ordered to join C. Claudius in Gaul and
the fleet commanders were instructed to proceed to Pisae, making a circuit
of the Ligurian littoral and creating alarm in the coastal districts. Q.
Petilius had previously fixed the date for the muster of the army at Pisae.
C. Claudius, on hearing that the Ligurians were renewing hostilities, raised
an emergency force in addition to the troops he had with him, and marched
to the frontiers of Liguria. |
et Ti. Sempronius eodem tempore
in Sardinia multis secundis proeliis Sardos perdomuit. quindecim milia
hostium sunt caesa, omnes Sardorum populi, qui defecerant, in dicionem
redacti. stipendiariis ueteribus duplex uectigal imperatum exactumque;
ceteri frumentum contulerunt. pacata prouincia obsidibusque ex tota insula
ducentis triginta acceptis legati Romam, qui ea nuntiarent, missi, quique
ab senatu peterent, ut ob eas res ductu auspicioque Ti. Semproni prospere
gestas diis inmortalibus honos haberetur ipsique decedenti de prouincia
exercitum secum deportare liceret. senatus in aede Apollinis legatorum
uerbis auditis supplicationem in biduum decreuit, et quadraginta maioribus
hostiis consules sacrificare iussit, Ti. Sempronium proconsulem exercitumque
eo anno in prouincia manere. comitia deinde consulis unius subrogandi,
<quae in> ante diem tertium nonas Sextiles edicta erant, eo ipso die
sunt confecta. Q. Petilius consul collegam, qui extemplo magistratum occiperet,
creauit C. Ualerium Laeuinum. ipse iam diu cupidus prouinciae, cum opportunae
cupiditati eius litterae adlatae essent Ligures rebellasse, nonis Sextilibus
paludatus * * . <senatus> litteris auditis tumultus eius causa legionem
tertiam ad C. Claudium proconsulem in Galliam proficisci iussit, et duumuiros
nauales cum classe Pisas ire, qui Ligurum oram, maritumum quoque terrorem
admouentes, circumuectarentur. eodem Pisas et Q. Petilius consul ad conueniendum
exercitui <diem> edixerat. et C. Claudius proconsul audita rebellione
Ligurum praeter eas copias, quas secum Parmae habebat, subitariis collectis
militibus exercitum ad fines Ligurum admouit. |
|
41.18 |
|
The enemy had not forgotten that it was C. Claudius who had defeated and
routed them at the Scultenna, and they prepared to defend themselves against
a force of which they had had so unhappy an experience more by the strength
of their position than by their arms. With this object they occupied two
mountain heights, Letum and Ballista, and enclosed them with a wall. Some
who were too late in getting away from their fields were caught and 1500
of them perished; the rest kept to the mountains. But they were not too
much cowed to forget their native savagery, and they glutted their cruelty
upon what they had taken at Mutina. The prisoners were put to death amid
horrible tortures; the cattle were killed in their temples as an act of
butchery rather than of sacrifice. When they were satiated with the slaughter
of living things they turned to the destruction of inanimate objects and
dashed against the walls vessels of every description, though made for
use more than for ornament. Q. Petilius did not want the war to be brought
to a close while he was absent and sent written instructions to C. Claudius
to come to him in Gaul with his army, saying that he should expect him
at the Campi Macri. On receiving the despatch C. Claudius left Liguria
and handed over his army to the consul at the Campi Macri. A few days later
the other consul, C. Valerius, arrived. Here, before the two armies separated,
a lustration was completed for them both. As the consuls had settled not
to make a combined attack on the enemy, they drew lots to decide in which
direction each should advance. It was generally understood that Valerius
cast his lot under proper auspices. In the case of Petilius the augurs
declared afterwards that he had been at fault, for after the lottery had
been taken into the sacred enclosure he remained outside, whereas he ought
to have gone in himself .
Then they started for their respective positions. Petilius fixed his
camp fronting the twin heights of Ballista and Letum, which are connected
by a continuous ridge. Writers say that whilst he was addressing words
of encouragement to his troops, he made the ominous prediction that he
would take Letum on that day; the double meaning of the word did not occur
to him. He then advanced up the mountain in two divisions. The division
which he personally commanded mounted with great spirit, but the enemy
forced the other division back, and to restore the battle the consul rode
forward and rallied his men. Whilst exposing himself somewhat incautiously
in front of the standards, he was struck by a missile and fell. The enemy
were not aware of the general's death, and a few of his men who had witnessed
it carefully concealed the body, as they felt sure that the victory turned
on that. The rest of the troops-infantry and cavalry alike-drove the enemy
out of his positions and took the mountain heights without their general;
5000 Ligurians were killed; out of the Roman army 52 fell. In addition
to his ill-omened words, to which his death gave a clear significance,
it was gathered from what the "pullarius" said that the auspices had been
unfavourable and that the consul was not unaware of this.
. . . . . . . . Those skilled in divine and human law said that since
the two duly elected consuls for the year had died, one through sickness,
the other by the sword, the "consul suffectus" could not rightly hold the
election.
. . . . . . . . |
hostes sub aduentum C. Claudi, a
quo duce de meminerant nuper ad Scultennam flumen uictos fugatosque, locorum
magis praesidio aduersus infeliciter expertam uim quam armis se defensuri,
duos montes Letum et Ballistam ceperunt muroque insuper amplexi sunt. tardius
ex agris demigrantes oppressi ad mille et quingenti perierunt; ceteri montibus
se tenebant, et ne in metu quidem feritatis ingenitae obliti saeuiunt in
praedam, quae Mutinae parta erat. captiuos cum foeda laceratione interficiunt;
pecora in fanis trucidant uerius passim quam rite sacrificant. satiati
caede animantium, quae inanima erant parietibus adfigunt, uasa omnis generis
usui magis quam [ornamento] in speciem facta. Q. Petilius consul, ne absente
se debellaretur, litteras ad C. Claudium misit, ut cum exercitu ad se in
Galliam ueniret: campis Macris se eum expectaturum. litteris acceptis Claudius
ex Liguribus castra mouit exercitumque ad campos Macros consuli tradidit.
eodem [tempore] paucis post diebus C. Ualerius consul alter uenit. ibi
diuisis copiis, <prius> quam digrederentur, communiter ambo exercitus
lustrauerunt. tum sortiti, quia non ab eadem utrumque parte adgredi hostem
placebat, regiones quas peterent. Ualerium auspicato sortitum constabat,
quod in templo fuisset; in Petilio id uitii factum postea augures responderunt,
quod extra templum sortem in sitellam ~in templum latam foris ipse oporteret.
profecti inde in diuersas regiones. Petilius aduersus Ballistae et Leti
iugum, quod eos montes perpetuo dorso inter se iungit, castra habuit. ibi
adhortantem eum pro contione milites, inmemorem ambiguitatis uerbi, ominatum
ferunt se eo die Letum capturum esse. duabus simul partibus subire in aduersos
montes coepit. ea pars, in qua ipse erat, inpigre succedebat. alteram hostes
cum propulissent, ut restitueret rem inclinatam, consul equo aduectus suos
quidem a fuga reuocauit, ipse, dum incautius ante signa obuersatur, missili
traiectus cecidit. nec hostes ducem occisum senserunt, et suorum pauci,
qui uiderant, haud neglegenter, ut qui in eo uictoriam uerti scirent, corpus
occultauere. alia multitudo peditum equitumque deturbatis hostibus montis
sine duce cepere. ad quinque milia Ligurum occisa; ex Romano exercitu duo
et quinquaginta ceciderunt. super tam euidentem tristis ominis euentum
etiam ex pullario auditum est uitium in auspicio fuisse, nec id consulem
ignorasse. C. Ualerius audita * * * periti religionum iurisque publici,
quando duo ordinarii consules eius anni, alter morbo, alter ferro perisset,
suffectum consulem negabant recte comitia habere posse. * * * deduxit. |
|
41.19 |
|
. . . On this side the Apennines there had been the Garuli, the Lapicini
and the Hergates; on the other side the Briniates. P. Mucius made war on
those who had ravaged Luna and Pisae, and after completely subjugating
them deprived them of their arms. For these successes in Gaul and Liguria
under the leadership and auspices of the two consuls, the senate decreed
a three days' thanksgiving and sacrifices of forty victims. The disturbances
in Gaul and Liguria which had broken out at the beginning of the year had
been quelled without any great difficulty, and now the public anxiety was
directed to the danger of a war with Macedonia, as Perseus was trying to
involve the Dardani and the Bastarnae in a conflict. The commissioners
who had been sent to Macedonia to investigate the position there had now
returned and reported that there was a state of war in Dardania. Envoys
from Perseus arrived at the same time and they declared, on his behalf,
that the Bastarnae had not been approached by him nor had they done anything
at his instigation. The senate did not clear him from the charges brought
against him, nor did they press them; they only ordered a warning to be
given him that he must be very careful to hold sacred the treaty which
he could regard as existing between him and Rome.
When the Dardani found that the Bastarnae were not evacuating their
territory as they had hoped, but were becoming every day more aggressive
and were receiving assistance from their Thracian neighbours and from the
Scordisci, they thought that they ought to attempt some active measures,
however hazardous. The whole of their armed force assembled at a town near
the camp of the Bastarnae. It was winter and they chose that season on
the chance of the Thracians and the Scordisci going back to their own country.
It fell out as they expected, and when they learnt that the Bastarnae were
left to themselves they divided their forces; one division was to make
a frontal attack, the other fetching a circuit was to take the enemy in
the rear. The fighting began, however, before they could get round the
enemy, and the Dardani were defeated and driven into a city some twelve
miles distant from the camp of the Bastarnae. The victors followed them
closely and invested the place, feeling pretty confident that they would
capture the place the next day either by surrender or by storm. Meanwhile
the other division, unaware of the disaster which had overtaken their comrades,
seized the camp of the Bastarnae which had been left unguarded.
. . . . . . . . |
cis Appenninum Garuli et Lapicini
et Hergates, trans Appenninum Friniates fuerant, intra Audenam amnem. P.
Mucius cum iis, qui Lunam Pisasque depopulati erant, bellum gessit, omnibusque
in dicionem redactis arma ademit. ob eas res in Gallia Liguribusque gestas
duorum consulum ductu auspicioque senatus in triduum supplicationes decreuit
et quadraginta hostiis sacrificari iussit. et tumultus quidem Gallicus
et Ligustinus, qui principio eius anni exortus fuerat, haud magno conatu
breui oppressus erat; belli Macedonici subibat iam cura, miscente Perseo
inter Dardanos Bastarnasque certamina. et legati, qui missi ad res uisendas
in Macedoniam erant, iam reuerterant Romam renuntiauerantque bellum in
Dardania esse. simul uenerant et ab rege Perseo oratores, qui purgarent
nec accitos ab eo Bastarnas nec auctore eo quidquam facere. senatus nec
liberauit eius culpae regem neque arguit; moneri eum tantum modo iussit,
ut etiam atque etiam curaret, ut sanctum habere foedus, quod ei cum Romanis
esset, uideri posset. Dardani cum Bastarnas non modo non excedere finibus
suis, quod sperauerant, sed grauiores fieri in dies cernerent, subnixos
Thracum accolarum et Scordiscorum auxiliis, audendum aliquid uel temere
rati, omnes undique armati ad oppidum, quod proximum castris Bastarnarum
erat, conueniunt. hiems erat, et id anni tempus elegerant, ut Thraces Scordiscique
in fines suos abirent. quod ubi ita factum et solos iam esse Bastarnas
audierunt, bifariam diuidunt copias, pars ut recto itinere ad lacessendum
ex aperto iret, pars deuio saltu circumducta ab tergo adgrederetur. ceterum
priusquam circumire castra hostium possent, pugnatum est; uictique Dardani
compelluntur in urbem, quae fere duodecim milia ab castris Bastarnarum
aberat. uictores confestim <sec>uti circumsidunt urbem, haud dubie postero
die aut metu dedituris se hostibus aut ui expugnaturi. interim Dardanorum
altera manus, quae circumducta erat, ignara cladis suorum, castra Bastarnarum
sine praesidio relic<t>a. * * * |
|
41.20 |
|
. . . Seated in Roman fashion on an ivory chair he used to administer justice
and settle the most trifling disputes. Roaming through every phase of life,
he was so far from remaining constant to any one form of it, that neither
he himself nor any one else was at all clear as to his real character.
He did not speak to his friends; he had a pleasant smile for those who
were hardly known to him; he made himself and others ridiculous by his
misplaced liberality. To some who were of high rank and set great value
upon themselves he used to give childish presents of cakes and toys; others
who expected nothing he enriched. Some people thought that he was at a
loss to know what he meant by his actions; some said he was only playing
the fool; some declared that he was undoubtedly mad. In two matters of
great importance and redounding to his honour he showed a truly kingly
spirit-his munificence to cities and his care for divine worship. He promised
to build a wall round Megalopolis and gave the greater part of the money
for it. At Tegea he began the construction of a magnificent marble theatre.
At Cyzicus he furnished vessels of gold for one table in the Prytaneum,
the central hall of the city, where those to whom the privilege has been
granted dine at the public cost. In the case of the Rhodians he did not
make them any single gift of surpassing value, but he gave them all sorts
of things to suit their various requirements. The splendid munificence
which he showed towards the gods is attested by the temple of Jupiter Olympius
at Athens, the only one in the world which has been begun on a scale proportionate
to the greatness of the deity. Delos he adorned with splendid altars and
a great array of statues. At Antioch he projected a magnificent temple
to Jupiter Capitolinus, of which not only the ceiling was to be overlaid
with gold, but the whole of the walls were to be covered with gold leaf.
Many public edifices in other places he promised to build, but the shortness
of his reign prevented him from fulfilling his promises. In the magnificence
of public exhibitions of every kind he surpassed all former monarchs; they
were with only one exception given by Greek performers, the one exception
being a gladiatorial contest exhibited in Roman fashion, which frightened
the spectators, who were unused to such sights, more than it pleased them.
By frequently giving these exhibitions, in which the gladiators sometimes
only wounded one another, and at other times fought to the death, he familiarised
the eyes of his people to them and they learnt to enjoy them. In this way
he created amongst most of the younger men a passion for arms, and whilst
at first he used to hire gladiators from Rome at a great cost, now from
his own.
. . . . . . |
* * <Romano> more, sella eburnea
posita, ius dicebat disceptabatque controuersias minimarum rerum. adeoque
nulli fortunae adhaerebat animus per omnia genera uitae errans, uti nec
sibi nec aliis, quinam homo esset, satis constaret. non adloqui amicos,
uix notis familiariter arridere, munificentia inaequali sese aliosque ludificari;
quibus<dam> honoratis magnoque aestimantibus se puerilia, ut escae aut
lusus, munera dare, alios nihil expectantes ditare. itaque nescire, quid
sibi uellet, quibusdam uideri; quidam ludere eum simpliciter, quidam haud
dubie insanire aiebant. in duabus tamen magnis honestisque rebus uere regius
erat animus, in urbium donis et deorum cultu. Megalopolitanis in Arcadia
murum se circumdaturum urbi est pollicitus maioremque partem pecuniae dedit;
Tegeae theatrum magnificum e marmore facere instituit; Cyzici <in> prytaneo++id
est penetrale urbis, ubi publice, quibus is honos datus est, uescuntur++uasa
aurea mensae unius posuit. Rhodiis, <ut> nihil unum insigne, ita omnis
generis, ut quaeque usus eorum postulauerunt, dona dedit. magnificentiae
uero in deos uel Iouis Olympii templum Athenis, unum in terris incohatum
pro magnitudine dei, potest <testis> esse; sed et Delum aris insignibus
statuarumque copia exornauit, et Antiochiae Iouis Capitolini magnificum
templum, non laqueatum auro tantum, sed parietibus totis lammina inauratum,
et alia multa in aliis locis pollicitus, quia perbreue tempus regni eius
fuit, non perfecit. spectaculorum quoque omnis generis magnificentia superiores
reges uicit, reliquorum sui moris et copia Graecorum artificum; gladiatorum
munus, Romanae consuetudinis, primo maiore cum terrore hominum, insuetorum
ad tale spectaculum, quam uoluptate dedit; deinde saepius dando et modo
uolneribus tenus, modo sine missione, etiam [et] familiare oculis gratumque
id spectaculum fecit, et armorum studium plerisque iuuenum accendit. itaque
qui primo ab Roma magnis pretiis paratos gladiatores accersere solitus
erat, iam suo * * * <Sci>pio inter peregrinos. |
|
41.21 |
|
. . . Scipio, the alien jurisdiction. The province of Sardinia had fallen
to M. Atilius, but he was ordered to sail to Corsica with the new legion
which the consuls had raised-5000 infantry and 300 cavalry. Whilst he was
engaged in that war, Cornelius' command in Sardinia was extended. To Cnaeus
Servilius in Further Spain and P. Furius Philus in Hither Spain were voted
3000 Roman infantry and 150 cavalry, and of Latin allied troops 5000 infantry
and 300 cavalry. Lucius Claudius received no reinforcements for Sicily.
In addition to these troops the consuls were required to raise two fresh
legions in full strength, both of infantry and cavalry, and also 10,000
infantry and 600 cavalry from the Latin allies. The work of enrolment was
all the more difficult for the consuls, because the pestilence which the
year before had attacked the cattle had now turned into an epidemic, and
those who fell victims to it seldom survived the seventh day; those who
did survive were subject to a long and tedious illness, which generally
took the form of a quartidian ague. The deaths occurred chiefly amongst
the slaves and their unburied bodies lay scattered in all the streets,
and not even in the case of the free population could the funeral rites
be carried out decently The corpses lay untouched by dog and vulture and
slowly rotted away, and it was generally observed that neither in this
nor in the previous year had a vulture been anywhere seen.
Several members of the sacerdotal colleges died from the epidemic-the
pontiff Cn. Servilius Caepio, father of the praetor; Tiberius Sempronius
Longus, a Keeper of the Sacred Books; P. Aelius Paetus, the augur; Tiberius
Sempronius Gracchus; C. Atellus Mamilius, the chief curio; and the pontiff
M. Sempronius Tuditanus. C. Sulpicius Galba was elected pontiff in place
of Caepio . . . in place of Tuditanus. The new augurs were T. Veturius
Gracchus Sempronianus in place of Gracchus, and Q. Aelius Paetus in place
of P. Aelius. C. Sempronius Longus was appointed a Keeper of the Sacred
Books, and C. Scribonius Curio was made chief curio. As the pestilence
continued unabated the senate decided that the Keepers should consult the
Sacred Books. In accordance with their decree there were special intercessions
for one day, and the people, gathered together in the Forum, made a solemn
vow, in words dictated by Marcius Philippus, that if disease and pestilence
were banished from Roman soil they would keep two days as solemn holy days
and days of special intercession. In the district of Veii a boy was born
with two heads; at Sinuessa a child with only one hand; at Ariminum a girl
was born with teeth; a rainbow spanned the temple of Saturn in the Forum
in broad daylight and under a cloudless sky, three suns shone at the same
time, and in the same night many meteors glided through the sky. The people
of Caene declared that a crested snake covered with golden spots had appeared
in the town, and it was generally believed that an ox had spoken in the
Capuan district. |
M. Atilio praetori prouincia Sardinia
obuenerat; sed cum legione noua, quam consules conscripserant, quinque
milibus peditum, trecentis equitibus in Corsicam iussus est transire. dum
is ibi bellum gereret, Cornelio prorogatum imperium, uti obtineret Sardiniam.
Cn. Seruilio Caepioni in Hispaniam ulteriorem et P. Furio Philo in citeriorem
tria milia peditum Romanorum, equites centum quinquaginta, et socium Latini
nominis quinque milia peditum, trecenti equites, Sicilia L. Claudio sine
supplemento decreta. duas praeterea legiones consules scribere iussi cum
iusto numero peditum equitumque, et decem milia peditum sociis imperare
et sescentos equites. dilectus consulibus eo difficilior erat, quod pestilentia,
quae priore anno in boues ingruerat, eo uerterat in hominum morbos. qui
inciderant, haud facile septimum diem superabant; qui superauerant, longinquo,
maxime quartanae, implicabantur morbo. seruitia maxime moriebantur; eorum
strages per omnis uias insepultorum erat. ne liberorum quidem funeribus
Libitina sufficiebat. cadauera intacta a canibus ac uolturibus tabes absumebat;
satisque constabat nec illo nec priore anno in tanta strage boum hominumque
uolturium usquam uisum. sacerdotes publici ea pestilentia mortui sunt Cn.
Seruilius Caepio pontifex, pater praetoris, et Ti. Sempronius Ti. filius
Longus decemuir sacrorum et P. Aelius Paetus augur et Ti. Sempronius Gracchus
et C. Mamilius Atellus curio maximus <et> M. Sempronius Tuditanus <pontifex>.
pontifices suffecti sunt C. Sulpicius Galba * * * in locum Tuditani. augures
suffecti sunt in Gracchi locum T. Ueturius Gracchus Sempronianus, in P.
Aeli Q. Aelius Paetus. decemuir sacrorum C. Sempronius Longus, curio maximus
C. Scribonius Curio sufficitur. cum pestilentiae finis non fieret, senatus
decreuit, uti decemuiri libros Sibyllinos adirent. ex decreto eorum diem
unum supplicatio fuit, et Q. Marcio Philippo uerba praeeunte populus in
foro uotum concepit, si morbus pestilentiaque ex agro Romano emota esset,
biduum ferias ac supplicationem se habiturum. in Ueienti agro biceps natus
puer, et Sinuessae unimanus, et Auximi puella cum dentibus, et arcus interdiu
sereno caelo super aedem Saturni in foro Romano intentus, et tres simul
soles effulserunt, et faces eadem nocte plures per caelum lapsae sunt,
et Lanuuini Caeritesque anguem in oppido suo iubatum, aureis maculis sparsum,
apparuisse adfirmabant, et in agro Campano bouem locutum esse satis constabat. |
|
41.22 |
|
The commission who had gone to Carthage, after interviewing Masinissa,
returned on June 7. They had been more accurately informed as to what was
going on in Carthage by the king than by the Carthaginians themselves.
It was an ascertained fact, so they asserted, that envoys from Perseus
had gone to Carthage, and that the senate there had given them audience
at a nocturnal session in the temple of Aesculapius. Masinissa had stated
that envoys had been sent from Carthage to Macedonia, and this the Carthaginians
did not directly deny. The Roman senate decided that they too must send
envoys to Macedonia. Three were sent-C. Laelius, M. Valerius Messala, and
Sextus Digitius. A certain section of the Dolopes refused to obey Perseus'
orders and appealed from him to the Romans to settle the differences between
them. He advanced against them with an army and reduced the whole nation
to complete submission. Then he crossed Mount Oeta and went up to Delphi
to consult the oracle about religious matters which were disquieting his
mind. His sudden appearance in the middle of Greece created general alarm,
not only amongst the neighbouring States, but in Asia as well, where information
of what was happening was hurriedly sent to Eumenes. Perseus did not stay
more than three days at Delphi, and passing through Phthiotis, Achaia and
Thessaly, returned to his kingdom without damaging or injuring the districts
through which he passed. Nor did he consider it sufficient to conciliate
those States through which his route lay; he sent either letters or envoys
to the different Greek peoples, asking them to dismiss from their minds
the hostile feelings which had existed between them and his father. They
were not, he urged, so bitter that they could not, and ought not, to be
put an end to in his case. As far as he was concerned there was nothing
to disturb their relations or to prevent the growth of an honest and sincere
friendship. With the Achaeans, especially, he was anxious to find some
way of ingratiating himself. |
legati nonis Iuniis ex Africa redierunt,
qui conuento prius Masinissa rege Carthaginem ierant; ceterum certius aliquanto,
quae Carthagine acta essent, ab rege scierant quam ab ipsis Carthaginiensibus.
conpertum tamen adfirmauerunt legatos ab rege Perseo uenisse, iisque noctu
senatum in aede Aesculapi datum esse. ab Carthagine legatos in Macedoniam
missos et rex adfirmauerat et ipsi parum constanter negauerant. in Macedoniam
quoque mittendos legatos senatus censuit. tres missi sunt, C. Laelius M.
Ualerius Messalla Sex. Digitius. Perseus per id tempus, quia quidam Dolopum
non parebant et, de quibus ambigebatur rebus, disceptationem ab rege ad
Romanos reuocabant, cum exercitu profectus sub ius iudiciumque suum totam
coegit gentem. inde per Oetaeos montes transgressus, religionibus quibusdam
animo obiectis, oraclum aditurus Delphos escendit. cum in media repente
Graecia apparuisset, magnum non finitimis modo urbibus terrorem praebuit,
sed in Asiam quoque ad regem Eumenen nuntios tumultuosos misit. triduum
non plus Delphis moratus, per Pthiotidem Achaiam Thessaliamque sine damno
iniuriaque eorum, per quorum <fines> iter fecit, in regnum rediit. nec
earum tantum ciuitatium, per quas iturus erat, satis habuit animos sibi
conciliare; aut legatos aut litteras dimisit, petens, ne diutius simultatum,
quae cum patre suo fuissent, meminissent; nec enim tam atroces fuisse eas,
ut non cum ipso potuerint ac debuerint finiri; secum quidem omnia illis
integra esse <ad> instituendam fideliter amicitiam; cum Achaeorum maxime
gente reconciliandae gratiae uiam quaerebat. |
|
41.23 |
|
This nation and the Athenians alone out of all Greece had pushed their
animosity so far as to forbid the Macedonians to enter their country. Macedonia
had, in consequence, become a refuge for all the runaway slaves from Achaia,
for as the Achaeans had closed their frontiers against Macedonia, they
could not themselves venture into that kingdom. When Perseus got to know
this, he had the runaways arrested and sent a letter . . . "They, too,
however, must think out the best means of preventing the flight of slaves
in the future." The letter was read at a meeting of their council by Xenophanes,
their captain-general, who was anxious to make private interest with the
king. Most of those present thought it written in a fair and generous spirit,
especially those who were to recover the runaway slaves whom they had given
up for lost. Amongst those who believed that the safety of the nation depended
upon their keeping their treaty with Rome intact was Callicrates. He made
the following speech to the council: "Some look upon this question as of
small and trifling importance; I regard it as the greatest and most serious
of all under discussion, and, more than that, I consider that it has in
one way been decided. For although we have excluded the kings of Macedonia
and the Macedonians themselves from our territories, and that decree is
still in force forbidding us to admit the envoys and communications of
their kings, through which the feelings of some amongst us might be wrongly
influenced, nevertheless, we are now listening to the king as though he
were addressing us whilst absent, and we are actually giving our approval
to his speech. Wild animals mostly reject and shun the food which is placed
to deceive them, but we in our blindness are caught by the idle show of
a petty boon, and in the hope of recovering some miserable slaves of very
little value we are allowing our own liberty to be tampered with and undermined.
Who does not see that a way is being sought to lead us to an alliance with
the king, and therefore to a breach of the treaty with Rome, with which
all our interests are bound up? Unless, indeed, anyone doubts that a war
between Perseus and the Romans is inevitable, and that what was expected
during Philip's lifetime and interrupted by his death will take place now
that he is dead. Philip, as you know, had two sons, Demetrius and Perseus.
Demetrius far surpassed his brother in birth on the mother's side, in courage,
in ability, in popularity with his countrymen. But Philip had destined
the crown as a reward for hatred of the Romans, and he put Demetrius to
death for no other offence than his friendship with Rome. Perseus, he knew,
would inherit a war with Rome almost before he inherited the crown, and
he made him king. What else has he been doing since his father's death
but making preparations for war? In the first place he sent the Bastarnae
into Dardania creating universal alarm. If they had made their home in
that country, Greece would have found them more troublesome neighbours
than the Gauls were in Asia. Though his expectations here were frustrated,
he did not give up all thoughts of war; rather, to say the truth, he has
now commenced war and subjugated the Dolopes by force of arms, and refused
to listen to their proposal to refer their differences to the arbitration
of Rome. Then he crossed Mount Oeta and, in order to make a sudden appearance
in the heart of Greece, went up to Delphi. What do you imagine was his
object in thus exercising a right-of-way where none existed? Then he traversed
Thessaly. His doing so without inflicting injury on any of those he hated
I regard with all the more apprehension as an attempt to win them over.
And now he has sent a letter to us with what looks like an act of generosity,
and advises us to consider how for the future we may dispense with that
generosity, namely, by rescinding the decree by which the Macedonians are
kept out of the Peloponnese. This, too, in order that we may once more
see the king's ambassadors and the renewal of hospitable relations with
his chief men. Before long we shall have the Macedonian armies and the
king himself entering the Peloponnese by way of Delphi-narrow is the strait
that separates us!-and, finally, we shall find ourselves in the ranks of
the Macedonians whenever they take up arms against Rome. I give it as my
opinion that we make no fresh decree, but let everything remain just as
it is, until it becomes absolutely certain whether these fears of mine
are groundless or justified. If the peace between Macedonia and Rome remains
unbroken, let there be friendly intercourse between us. For the present
it seems to me premature and dangerous to think of altering our policy." |
haec una ex omni Graecia gens et
Atheniensium ciuitas eo processerat irarum, ut finibus interdiceret Macedonibus.
itaque seruitiis ex Achaia fugientibus receptaculum Macedonia erat, quia,
cum finibus suis <iis> interdixissent, intrare regni terminos ipsi non
audebant. id cum Perseus animaduertisset, conprensis omnibus litterae *
* . ceterum ne similis fuga seruorum postea fieret, cogitandum et illis
esse. recitatis his litteris per Xenarchum praetorem, qui priuatae gratiae
aditum apud regem quaerebat, et plerisque moderate et benigne scriptas
esse censentibus litteras, atque iis maxume, qui praeter spem recepturi
essent amissa mancipia, Callicrates ex iis, qui in eo uerti salutem gentis
crederent, si cum Romanis inuiolatum foedus seruaretur, 'parua' inquit
'aut mediocris res, Achaei, quibusdam uidetur agi: ego maxumam grauissimamque
omnium non agi tantum arbitror, sed quodam modo actam esse. nam qui regibus
Macedonum Macedonibusque ipsis finibus interdixissemus manereque id decretum
<sciremus, quo caueramus>, scilicet ne legatos, ne nuntios admitteremus
regum, per quos aliquorum ex nobis animi sollicitarentur, ii contionantem
quodam modo absentem audimus regem, et, si dis placet, orationem eius probamus.
et cum ferae bestiae cibum ad fraudem suam positum plerumque aspernentur
et refugiant, nos caeci specie parui beneficii inescamur et seruulorum
minimi pretii recipiendorum spe nostram ipsorum libertatem subrui et temptari
patimur. quis enim non uidet uiam regiae societatis quaeri, qua Romanum
foedus, quo nostra omnia continentur, uioletur? nisi hoc dubium alicui
est, bellandum Romanis cum Perseo esse et, quod uiuo Philippo expectatum,
morte eius interpellatum est, id post mortem Philippi futurum. duos, ut
scitis, habuit filios Philippus, Demetrium et Persea. genere materno, uirtute,
ingenio, fauore Macedonum longe praestitit Demetrius. sed quia in Romanos
odii regnum posuerat praemium, Demetrium nullo alio crimine quam Romanae
amicitiae initae occidit; Persea, quem <belli cum> populo Romano prius
paene quam regni heredem futurum sciebat, regem fecit. itaque quid hic
post mortem patris egit aliud quam bellum parauit? Bastarnas primum ad
terrorem omnium <in> Dardaniam inmisit; qui si sedem eam tenuissent,
grauiores eos accolas Graecia habuisset, quam Asia Gallos habebat. ea spe
depulsus non tamen belli consilia omisit; immo, si uere uolumus dicere,
iam incohauit bellum. Dolopiam armis subegit nec prouocantis de controuersiis
ad disceptationem populi Romani audiuit. inde transgressus Oetam, ut repente
in medio umbilico Graeciae conspiceretur, Delphos escendit. haec usurpatio
itineris insoliti quo uobis spectare uidetur? Thessaliam deinde peragrauit;
quod sine ullius eorum, quos oderat, noxa, hoc magis temptationem metuo.
inde litteras ad nos cum muneris specie misit et cogitare iubet, quo modo
in reliquum hoc munere non egeamus, hoc est, ut decretum, quo arcentur
Peloponneso Macedones, tollamus, rursus legatos regios et hospitia cum
principibus et mox Macedonum exercitus, ipsum quoque a Delphis++quantum
enim interfluit fretum?++traicientem in Peloponnesum uideamus, inmisceamur
Macedonibus armantibus se aduersus Romanos. ego nihil noui censeo decernendum
seruandaque omnia integra, donec ad certum redigatur, uanusne hic timor
noster an uerus fuerit. si pax inuiolata inter Macedonas Romanosque manebit,
nobis quoque amicitia et commercium sit; nunc de eo <cogitare> periculosum
et inmaturum uidetur'. |
|
41.24 |
|
He was followed by Archo, the brother of Xenarchus, who spoke as follows:
"Callicrates has made it difficult for me and for all who disagree with
him to reply. By taking up the defence of our alliance with Rome and asserting
that it is attacked and opposed when nobody is either attacking or opposing
it, he has made anyone who does not agree with him appear as though he
were speaking against the Romans. To begin with, he knows and proclaims
every secret transaction, just as if instead of being here amongst us he
had come straight from the Roman senate-house or from the king's privy
council. He even divines what would have happened had Philip lived; why
under the circumstances Perseus was heir to the crown; what preparations
the Macedonians are making; what designs the Romans are entertaining. But
we, who do not know the cause of the circumstances of Demetrius' death,
nor what Philip would have done had he lived, are bound to frame our policy
in accordance with open and notorious facts.
"Now we know that on receiving the crown Perseus was recognised as king
by the Roman people; we hear that Roman ambassadors visited the king and
were graciously received by him. In my judgment, this points to peace and
not to war, nor can the Romans possibly be offended if, as we followed
their lead in war, so now we follow them as the authors of peace. I do
not see why we alone in all the world should wage a relentless war against
the kingdom of Macedonia. Are we so near it as to be open to attack? Are
we like the Dolopes, who are the weakest of all the nations that he has
subdued? No, quite the contrary. Whether it is through our own strength
or through the favour of heaven or owing to the distance which separates
us, in any case we are safe. But suppose we lay as open to invasion as
the Thessalians and the Aetolians, have we no more interest with the Romans,
no stronger claim upon them than the Aetolians, who were not long ago in
arms against them, while we have always been their friends and allies?
Whatever reciprocal rights exist between the Macedonians and the Aetolians,
Thessalians and Epirotes, in fact the whole of Greece, let us also enjoy.
Why does this abominable interference with the common rights of humanity
exist for us alone? Granting that Philip did something which caused us
to make this decree against him when he was in arms and engaged in war,
what has Perseus, new to the throne, guiltless of any wrong towards us,
effacing by his kindness the enmity aroused against his father-what has
Perseus done to make us, alone of all nations, his enemies? I might also
urge this point, that the services which the former kings of Macedonia
have rendered us have been so great that the injury which Philip has done
to us, however great it was, should be forgotten, especially now that he
is dead. You know that when the Roman fleet was lying at Cenchreae and
the consul with his army was at Elatia, we were assembled in council to
decide whether we should follow Philip or the Romans, and the discussion
lasted three days. Even if the pressure of immediate danger in no way alienated
our feelings from the Romans, there must have been something at least to
make our deliberations so lengthy, and this was our long-standing union
of interests with Macedonia and the great services which her kings have
for many years rendered to us. Let these same motives weigh with us now,
not to make us especially his friends, but to prevent us from being especially
his enemies. Do not let us make a presence, Callicrates, of seriously discussing
a proposal which nobody has brought forward. No one suggests that we should
form fresh alliances or draw up a new treaty so as to fetter ourselves
with obligations thoughtlessly incurred. Let there be free intercourse
between us, a mutual recognition of reciprocal rights; let us not, by closing
our own frontiers, shut ourselves off at the same time from the king's
dominions; let it not be possible for our runaway slaves to find shelter
anywhere. What is there in all this that conflicts with the terms of our
treaty with Rome? Why do we make so much of a little matter and throw suspicion
upon what is simple and straightforward ? Why do we raise such troubles
out of nothing? Why do we make others mistrusted and suspected in order
that we ourselves may be free to flatter the Romans? If there is to be
war, even Perseus himself entertains no doubt as to our taking the side
of Rome. As long as there is peace, let all hostile feelings be suppressed,
even if they are not dispelled." Those who had approved of the king's letter
were in full agreement with this speech. The leaders were indignant at
Perseus not thinking the matter important enough for formal negotiation
and making his demand in the few lines of a letter. The discussion was
adjourned and no decree was made. Subsequently envoys were sent by the
king whilst the council was in session at Megalopolis, and those who feared
a breach with Rome took steps to prevent their admission to the council. |
post hunc Archo, frater Xenarchi
praetoris, ita disseruit: 'difficilem orationem Callicrates et mihi et
omnibus, qui ab eo dissentimus, fecit: agendo enim Romanae societatis causam
ipse temptarique et oppugnari dicendo, quam nemo neque temptat neque oppugnat,
effecit, ut, qui ab se dissentiret, aduersus Romanos dicere uideretur.
ac primum omnium, tamquam non hic nobiscum fuisset, sed aut ex curia populi
Romani ueniret aut regum arcanis interesset, omnia scit et nuntiat, quae
occulte facta sunt. diuinat etiam, quae futura fuerint, si Philippus uixisset,
quid ita Perseus regni heres sit, quid parent Macedones, quid cogitent
Romani. nos autem, qui nec ob quam causam nec quem ad modum perierit Demetrius
scimus, nec, quid Philippus, si uixisset, facturus fuerit, ad haec, quae
palam geruntur, consilia nostra accommodare oportet. ac scimus Persea regno
accepto regem a populo Romano appellatum; audimus legatos Romanos uenisse
ad regem Persea et eos benigne exceptos. haec omnia pacis equidem signa
esse iudico, non belli; nec Romanos offendi posse, si ut bellum gerentes
eos secuti sumus, nunc quoque pacis auctores sequamur. cur quidem nos inexpiabile
omnium soli bellum aduersus regnum Macedonum geramus, non uideo. opportuni
propinquitate ipsa Macedoniae sumus? an infirmissimi omnium, tamquam, quos
nuper subegit, Dolopes? immo contra ea uel uiribus nostris, deum benignitate,
uel regionis interuallo tuti. sed simus aeque subiecti ac Thessali Aetolique:
nihilo plus fidei auctoritatisque habemus aduersus Romanos, qui semper
socii atque amici fuimus, quam Aetoli, qui paulo ante hostes fuerunt? quod
Aetolis, quod Thessalis, quod Epirotis, omni denique Graeciae cum Macedonibus
iuris est, idem et nobis sit. cur execrabilis ista nobis solis uelut dissertio
iuris humani est? fecerit aliquid Philippus, cur aduersus eum armatum et
bellum gerentem hoc decerneremus; quid Perseus, nouus rex, omnis iniuriae
insons, suo beneficio paternas simultates obliterans, meruit, cur soli
omnium hostes ei simus? quamquam et illud dicere poteram, tanta priorum
Macedoniae regum merita erga nos fuisse, ut Philippi unius iniurias, si
quae forte fuerunt, utique post mortem <obliterent. non uenit in mentem,>
cum classis Romana Cenchreis staret, consul cum exercitu Elatiae esset,
triduum nos in concilio fuisse consultantis, utrum Romanos an Philippum
sequeremur? nihil metus praesens ab Romanis sententias nostras inclinarit:
fuit certe tamen aliquid, quod tam longam deliberationem faceret; idque
erat uetusta coniunctio cum Macedonibus, uetera et magna in nos regum merita.
ualeant et nunc eadem illa, non ut praecipue amici, sed ne praecipue inimici
simus. ne id, quod non agitur, Callicrates, simulauerimus agi. nemo nouae
societatis aut noui foederis, quo nos temere inligemus, conscribendi est
auctor; sed commercium tantum iuris praebendi repetendique sit, ne interdictione
finium nostrorum nos quoque <terminis> regni arceamus; ne seruis nostris
aliquo fugere liceat, quid hoc aduersus Romana foedera est? quid rem paruam
et apertam magnam et suspectam facimus? quid uanos tumultus ciemus? quid,
ut ipsi locum adsentandi Romanis habeamus, suspectos alios <et> inuisos
efficimus? si bellum erit, ne Perseus quidem dubitat, quin Romanos secuturi
simus; in pace, etiam si non finiuntur odia, intermittantur.' cum iidem
huic orationi, qui litteris regis adsensi erant, adsentirentur, indignatione
principum, quod, quam rem ne legatione quidem dignam iudicasset Perseus,
litteris paucorum uersuum impetraret, decretum differtur. legati deinde
postea missi ab rege, cum Megalopoli concilium esset, dataque opera est
ab iis, qui offensionem apud Romanos timebant, ne admitterentur. |
|
41.25 |
|
While this was going on the Aetolians turned their rage against themselves,
and it seemed as though the massacres on both sides would result in the
total destruction of the nation. At last both factions, weary of slaughter,
sent missions to Rome and approached each other in the hope of re-establishing
peace and concord. But these negotiations were rendered fruitless by a
fresh outrage which roused all the old passions. The refugees from Hypata,
comprising eighty illustrious citizens, who belonged to the party of Proxenus,
had been assured of their restoration to their native country under the
pledged word of Eupolemus, the chief magistrate. As they were returning
home the whole population, including Eupolemus himself, came out to meet
them; he gave them a kind greeting and the right hand of friendship. But
as they were entering the gates they were all put to death in spite of
their appeals to the gods, as witnesses of the pledges given by Eupolemus.
After this the war blazed up more fiercely than ever. C. Valerius Laevinus,
Ap. Claudius Pulcher, C. Memmius, M. Popilius and L. Canuleius had been
sent by the senate to arbitrate between the contending parties. The delegates
from both sides appeared before them at Delphi and a keen debate took place,
in which Proxenus was considered to have spoken by far the most convincingly
and most eloquently. A few days later he was poisoned by his wife Orthobula.
She was convicted of the crime and sent into exile. The same madness of
party faction was rife among the Cretans. When Q. Minucius, who had been
sent with ten ships to settle their disputes, arrived off the island they
entertained hopes of peace. There was only a six months' truce, however;
after that a still more bitter conflict was kindled. The Lycians were being
harassed at this time by the Rhodians. But it is not worth while to narrate
in detail these wars which foreign nations waged with each other. The task
before me is sufficiently and more than sufficiently heavy of describing
the doings of the Romans. |
per haec tempora Aetolorum in semet
ipsos uersus furor mutuis caedibus ad internecionem adducturus uidebatur
gentem. fessi deinde et Romam utraque pars miserunt legatos et inter se
ipsi de reconcilianda concordia agebant; quae nouo facinore discussa res
ueteres etiam iras excitauit. exulibus Hypataeis, qui factionis Proxeni
erant, cum reditus in patriam promissus esset fidesque data per principem
ciuitatis Eupolemum, octoginta inlustres homines, quibus redeuntibus inter
ceteram multitudinem Eupolemus etiam obuius exierat, cum salutatione benigna
excepti essent dextraeque datae, ingredientes portam, fidem datam deosque
testis nequiquam inuocantes interfecti sunt. inde grauius de integro bellum
exarsit. C. Ualerius Laeuinus et Ap. Claudius Pulcher et C. Memmius et
M. Popilius et L. Canuleius missi ab senatu uenerant. apud eos cum Delphis
utriusque partis legati magno certamine agerent, Proxenus maxime cum causa,
tum eloquentia praestare uisus est; qui paucos post dies ab Orthobula uxore
ueneno est sublatus; damnataque eo crimine in exilium abiit. idem furor
et Cretenses lacerabat. aduentu deinde Q. Minuci legati, qui cum decem
nauibus missus ad sedanda eorum certamina erat, <ad> spem pacis uenerant.
ceterum indutiae tantum sex mensum fuerunt; inde multo grauius bellum exarsit.
Lycii quoque per idem tempus ab Rhodiis bello uexabantur. sed externorum
inter se bella, quo quaeque modo gesta sint, persequi non operae est satis
superque oneris sustinenti res a populo Romano gestas perscribere. |
|
41.26 |
|
In Spain the Celtiberi who, after their defeat, had submitted to Ti. Gracchus,
remained quiet during M. Titinius' administration. On the arrival of Appius
Claudius they resumed hostilities and began by a sudden attack on the Roman
camp. The day had hardly dawned when the sentinels on the rampart and the
men on outpost duty at the gates caught sight of the enemy advancing in
the distance and gave the alarm. Appius Claudius hoisted the signal for
action and after addressing a few words to the soldiers made a simultaneous
sortie from three gates. The Celtiberi met them as they emerged and for
a short time the fighting was equal on both sides, because owing to the
confined space the Romans could not all get into action. As soon as they
got clear of the rampart they followed those in front of them in a compact
mass in order to be able to deploy into line and extend their front to
the same length as that of the enemy by whom they were being surrounded.
Then they made a sudden charge which the Celtiberi could not withstand.
In less than two hours they were defeated; 15,000 were either killed or
taken prisoners; 32 standards were captured. The camp was stormed the same
day and the war brought to an end. The survivors from the battle dispersed
to their various towns. After that they submitted quietly to the authority
of Rome. |
Celtiberi in Hispania, qui bello
domiti se Ti. Graccho dediderant, pacati manserant M. Titinio praetore
obtinente prouinciam. rebellarunt sub aduentum Ap. Claudi orsique bellum
sunt ab repentina oppugnatione castrorum Romanorum. prima lux ferme erat,
cum uigiles in uallo quique in portarum stationibus erant, cum uidissent
procul uenientem hostem, ad arma conclamauerunt. Ap. Claudius, signo proposito
pugnae ac paucis adhortatus milites, tribus simul portis eduxit. obsistentibus
ad exitum Celtiberis primo par utrimque proelium fuit, quia propter angustias
non omnes in faucibus pugnare poterant Romani; urguentes deinde alii alios
secuti <ubi> euaserunt extra uallum, ut pandere aciem et exaequari cornibus
hostium, quibus circumibantur, possent, ita repente inruperunt, ut sustinere
impetum eorum Celtiberi nequirent. ante horam secundam pulsi sunt; ad quindecim
milia <caesa aut> capta, signa adempta duo et triginta. castra etiam
eo die expugnata debellatumque; nam qui superfuere proelio, in oppida sua
dilapsi sunt. quieti deinde paruerunt imperio. |
|
41.27 |
|
Q. Fulvius Flaccus and A. Postumius Albinus were elected censors this year
and revised the roll of the senate. M. Aemilius Lepidus, the Pontifex Maximus,
was chosen as leader of the House. Nine names were struck off the roll,
the most important being those of M. Cornelius, Maluginensis, who had commanded
as praetor in Spain two years before, L. Cornelius Scipio, who was at the
time exercising the civic and alien jurisdictions, and L. Fulvius the censor's
brother, and according to Valerius Antias, co-proprietor with him of the
family estate. After the usual prayers and vows the consuls left for their
provinces. M. Aemilius was charged by the senate with the task of suppressing
the outbreak of the Petavines in Venetia, amongst whom, as their own envoys
reported, the strife of rival factions had led to civil wars. The commissioners
who had gone to Aetolia to put down similar disturbances brought back word
that the frenzy of the nation could not be restrained. The consul's arrival
was the salvation of the Petavines, and as he had nothing else to do in
his province he returned to Rome.
These censors were the first to make contracts for paving the streets
of the City with flints and the roads outside with gravel, and footpaths
raised at the sides, and also for the construction of bridges at various
points. They furnished the praetors and aediles with a stage, placed the
barriers in the Circus and provided egg-shaped balls to mark the number
of laps, turning-posts on the course and iron doors for the cages through
which the animals were sent into the arena. They also undertook the paving
of the ascent from the Forum to the Capitol with flint and the construction
o | |
